November 2008 Archives

More on the Mommy Stamp

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Earlier today, Megan wrote about the unfortunate “momification” of Michelle Obama in the press, and focused on a Monday New York Times article about the debate surrounding her “transition from hospital executive to self-proclaimed mom-in-chief.” The Washington Post’s Ruth Marcus is one of those women conflicted about what she calls Michelle Obama’s “Mommy” stamp. Marcus’s basic question: If Obama becomes a traditional, sidelined first lady, what will it say about modern working women in America?

Marcus asks why Obama is 1) so quick to identify herself almost solely as a mother, and 2) seemingly so unconcerned with propping up her other achievements—achievements that come with labels like “career woman” or “professional” or “lawyer.” These are rather misguided questions, because Michelle Obama neither ran for public office on a platform of beating back gender stereotypes, nor was ever anything but honest about what her priorities would be should her husband win the presidency.

Here’s Marcus’s primary concern:

I was okay, actually, with what Obama said. But I worried: Did she have to say it out loud, quite so explicitly? Is it really good for the team -- the team here being working women -- to have the "mommy" stamp so firmly imprinted on her identity?

And most of all: What does it say about the condition of modern women that Obama, catapulted by her husband's election into the ranks of the most prominent, sounded so strangely retro -- more Jackie Kennedy than Hillary Clinton?

She is, after all -- by résumé, anyway -- more Hillary than Jackie. But the painful paradox of campaign 2008 is that it came tantalizingly close to giving us an Ivy League-educated female lawyer in the Oval Office but yielded an Ivy League-educated female lawyer sketching out a supremely traditional first lady role.

What the Times article and Marcus’s share in common is a rather myopic focus on Michelle Obama’s résumé and elite education. There’s a palpable concern that if she doesn’t somehow expand and refresh the first lady role in a way that befits the modern, highly educated/motivated/ambitious and working woman, she will somehow shrink to fit the traditional role, leaving her presence in the White House an opportunity wasted.

Give the woman some credit! Obama may be quick to call herself the mom-in-chief, but that’s admittedly a self-appellation that is equal parts truism and press-friendly label. And it’s certainly not the only role that she will inhabit; it’s just the most relevant one. The reasoning that, as a highly educated, professional woman, she must break out of outdated roles (lest she get shackled to them) denies Obama the very agency that her life experience and choices have afforded her.

Leslie Morgan Steiner, writing commentary for CNN.com, yesterday, ahem, candidly wrote: “I might shoot myself if Michelle Obama, clearly a free-thinking, independent candidate's wife, follows the example set by white first ladies who did little more than prom queens waving from the parade float.”

Steiner mentions Obama’s black-woman-ness as one aspect of the change she could bring to the White House, but her main point, echoing Marcus’s concern, is that Obama should not place “too high a premium on living a demure, deferential, non-controversial life, at the expense of productive social change.”

This mix of empowered advice and analysis decides to forget the fact that Obama, as much as she’s been a consummate example of today’s do-everything woman, is neither Hillary Clinton nor Sarah Palin. To the extent that she is a role model or inspirational example for women nationwide, she is a voluntary one. And so, if Obama spends most of her time ensuring that her kids don’t get screwed up by the perks and pitfalls of living under a spotlight for four or eight of their formative years, then, well, it’s absolutely her prerogative. (This is not to mention that she’s also someone who will be able to pick up her career as soon as she leaves the White House. “Let’s face it…when she leaves the White House, she’s going to be made a partner at any law firm in the country,” Karen O’Connor, director of the Women and Politics Institute at American University, is quoted as saying in the NYT article.)

Marcus complains that while we almost had Hillary Clinton, an Ivy League-educated lawyer, in the Oval Office, we now have Michelle Obama, an Ivy League-educated lawyer who might restrict herself to the more traditional role of mother. She seems highly disappointed by someone who in terms of educational pedigree and professional success could be (if only) another ambitious, career-driven woman in the White House. But that’s as irritating as the statements that heralded Palin as a second coming for female voters. There is nothing empowering about playing replace-a-woman, especially with one who never ran for office. If Marcus wants to write about her frustration that Clinton did not win the presidential office, then she should direct her energies toward 2012 and the arena of political candidacies.

But to compare Hillary Clinton’s high achievements (and what she could have done in office) to Michelle Obama’s high achievements (and what she might do as First Lady) is to compare apples and oranges. And face it: the national spotlight being a crucible pot for familial stress, the duties of presidential spouses (whether First Lady or First Dude) may always be a little bit out of touch with the cultural climate of parenting roles. Why not just come to terms with the fact that being cowed into a traditional role isn’t the same as choosing to take it on?

Cut on the Bias

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Pop quiz, before school gets out for holiday recess: What do Mark Halperin and al-Qaeda have in common?

They both think the media covering Campaign '08 were unfairly biased toward Barack Obama.

Seriously.

Michelle Obama, Mother

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A plea: can we please--please, please--all stop talking about the "momification of Michelle Obama"? Can we please stop analyzing and agonizing over her career-versus-kids prioritization, and over how the media portray the choices she makes?

All that hyperbolic, telegraphic analysis was understandable in the first days since we learned that Barack Obama would be our next president--and that Michelle would be our next First Lady. We'd engaged in that strain of analysis throughout the campaign, after all--is Michelle too strong? too soft? is she giving up too much for her husband and kids?--so it made sense that we'd need to bring closure to the whole conversation once Michelle As First Lady transitioned from possibility to certainty. (Our first black First Lady! Our second "career woman" First Lady! The third to hold a graduate degree!) The prospect of having an accomplished, highly educated, successful "career woman" in the White House was and is worth conversation, certainly.

But that conversation is becoming cloying--and unproductive and, for that matter, rather insulting. Take Monday's New York Times analysis of the rather jarring advice offered from former British First Lady Cherie Blair to the soon-to-be U.S. First Lady: Learn to Like the Back Seat.

The unsolicited advice reflects the passionate debate stirring among working mothers here and abroad as they watch Mrs. Obama finalize her transition from hospital executive to self-proclaimed mom-in-chief in the White House. While Mrs. Obama has publicly embraced her soon-to-be assumed role as first lady, many women remain deeply divided over whether she will become a pioneer or a dispiriting symbol of the limitations of modern working motherhood.

The discussion has bubbled up on blogs, Internet magazines, television interviews and radio talk shows among ordinary women and some prominent ones, including Mrs. Blair and Carla Sarkozy, the wife of President Nicolas Sarkozy of France. The issue is argued with particular intensity, not simply because Mrs. Obama will be the first black woman in the position, but also because she had maintained a high-powered career and put it on hold to help her husband campaign for the presidency. She had been earning more than $300,000 a year as a vice president at the University of Chicago Medical Center.

Many women remain deeply divided over whether she will become a pioneer or a dispiriting symbol of the limitations of modern working motherhood. And, indeed, they are. The participants in the Michelle-as-Mom conversation have divided into camps, of sorts, as if they were engaged in some epic game of gender-political Capture the Flag: on the one side, you have those who resent the emphasis the media have placed on Michelle as Mother, rather than on Michelle as Lawyer or Michelle as Activist--or, indeed, Michelle As Michelle. To distill her personality and her accomplishments and her very personhood into her status as a mother, they argue, is to insult her personality and her accomplishments and her very person. On the other hand, though, you have the apologists: Michelle is a mom, they say, which is itself an important career. Don't bash her for doing that job well. Don't condemn her for putting her family first.

Both sides have points. (Hey, I've made some of them myself.) But what's becoming frustrating about the entire back-and-forth isn't the passionate tones in which it's rendered--put "career" and "mother" in even vague proximity, and sparks are sure to fly--nor even its highly polarized conclusions. What's sabotaging the conversation is the terms of the conversation themselves. Because "career or family" is, of course, a false choice, one that is neither accurate nor fair. For the vast majority of women, it's not career or family--it's career and family. The real question--and the real choice--comes in the proportionality of the two, the tensions between them, the way the one compromises or otherwise complicates the other. The question is not one, to return to the Times, of pioneer or dispiriting symbol of the limitations of modern working motherhood. Sheesh. Could Michelle's role perhaps be a bit more complex than that? Could the role of her millions of analogues possibly be, as well?

It's an obvious point, certainly, but one, apparently, in need of being made nonetheless: to distill Women's Choices--in the sense not only of the decisions they make about their own lives, but also of the options available to them--into a simple question of either/or is to vastly oversimplify the framework of our dialogue. It's to hinder any conversation we have about those choices: If the vocabulary we rely on to conduct a conversation is simplistic, how can the conversation itself hope to have nuance? It's chefs' Quality Product principle writ rhetorical: whatever you cook up can only be as good as the quality of the ingredients that go into it. If we premise our dialogue on glib generalities, how can we expect anything but glib generalities to emerge?

Worse, by framing kids-versus-career as an either/or choice--Career Lady! Or Stay-at-Home Mom!--these arguments give their audiences tacit permission to judge the decisions women make for themselves. (Michelle Obama won't be working while her husband is president? That is so 1950s. Michelle Obama would consider working while her daughters are facing the challenges of living in the White House? That is so selfish of her. Et cetera.) The one thing these arguments, whether pro-momification or anti-, generally have in common is a profound admiration for Obama herself. But that respect, apparently, is generally distinct from her actions. Sinner versus sin, and all that, apparently. Which somehow frees us to be as condescending of the sin as we want to be ("It's not a knock on Michelle, or anything, just on her life choices"). But wouldn't it be great if the takeaway of all our current hand-wringing could be simply that women should be at liberty to make their own choices, without the prospect of disdain and judgment and accusations of being "too soft" on the one hand, "too hard" on the other? Wouldn't it be great if Michelle Obama, who seems to be at once an accomplished career woman and a great mom, could be a vehicle for detente in the Mommy Wars? And must it be heresy to suggest that one of the ways Michelle can have a lasting impact as First Lady is to be model of committed parenthood?

Because the "momification" arguments conveniently ignore--or, at least, gloss over--the obvious: that Michelle herself has perpetuated her own momification. "All my anticipation is really around the girls, making sure that they're OK," Michelle told Newsweek's Richard Wolffe shortly after her husband's victory. Indeed, even Rebecca Traister, who popularized "momification" as a term, and is one of the most vocal opponents of the Michelle-as-Mom narrative, acknowledged, "Michelle herself has been flogging the term "mom-in-chief" as the cheerily unthreatening title she'll assume when she gets to the White House."

But can we really blame the media for Michelle's "momification," such as it is, when it's Michelle herself who's perpetuating it? Isn't it just a bit insulting--to Michelle, to her intelligence, to her accomplishments, to her own agency as a person--to suggest that the media are being sexist in simply repeating what Michelle has said about herself? Traister's and other anti-momification arguments are convincing only if you buy the notion that Michelle's "Mom-in-Chief" comments have been made under some kind of political duress, and, for that matter, only if you ignore what Michelle has said about herself and her family--repeatedly and vocally. Doesn't seem very feminist to me.

These arguments also ignore the fact that being a First Lady is--or, at least, can be--a legitimate job. Sure, you can lounge about all day, nibbling on caviar and attending the occasional party...or you take an active role in policy-making, a la Hillary Clinton. Like the office of the vice president, the office of the First Lady is one that either contracts or expands to fit the desires of its occupant. Michelle would be entirely within her rights to do to the First Lady's role what Dick Cheney has done to the vice president's: expand, expand, and then expand some more.

But even if Michelle doesn't decide to reform healthcare or, you know, fashion herself the nation's Military Family Czar: she still will be standing behind one of the biggest bully pulpits in the land. To say that that on its own isn't a valuable career move--or, at least, a perfectly valid way to spend four years--strikes me as rather ridiculous. The overarching point of a career, after all, looking beyond financial considerations, is to make your mark on the world. To, you know, Make a Difference. What better place to do that than the East Wing? Why squander the opportunity to have such a direct and lasting impact on the country and the world? Even if you have that opportunity because of your husband?

Mag the Dog

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Vanity Fair pokes some fun at the magazine industry's Obamania. "Magazines are awash in Barack-emblazoned covers," David Friend writes. "It’s only a matter of time before many of them transform into unabashedly pro-Bama titles."

Below, per VF, some of the mags we can look forward to under the upcoming O-ministration:



Poland Climate Change Conference

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When government negotiators meet in Poland next week for a major United Nations conference on climate change, Brazilian journalist Gustavo Figueiredo Faleiros won’t be emphasizing the big question on most reporters’ minds: where do the United States and European Union stand on committing to greenhouse-gas emission limits at next year’s global climate change conference in Copenhagen?

Instead, Faleiros will examine deforestation and other climate-change threats confronting smaller, developing countries—threats that seldom garner the media attention they deserve. When it comes to the climate coverage of major news media outlets like Associated Press, Reuters, and Agence France-Presse, he wrote in an e-mail, “their points of view were pretty much those which interest the big developed countries.”

In an effort to correct that bias, Faleiros will be among forty journalists from thirty-three developing countries throughout Asia, Africa, and Latin America who have received fellowships to attend the meeting in Poland. They will report back to their local readers and audiences on how the United Nations-sponsored negotiations might affect them. Their sponsor is the Climate Change Media Partnership, an international group created in 2007 to help close “the climate media divide” by bringing journalists from developing nations to U.N. conferences that they could not otherwise afford to cover.

“We want to encourage locally relevant coverage in countries that might otherwise have little or no media representation,” Mike Shanahan, press officer for the London-based International Institute for Environment and Development, said in an interview. The institute, a policy research group, is one of the Climate Change Media Partnership’s three organizers. “These countries want to make sure that their issues of adaptation don’t get swamped by all of the talk about emission targets.”

“Journalists from developing countries are still very much under-represented at these crucial global forums,” James Fahn, executive director of Internews’ Earth Journalism Network, said in a statement. Internews and Panos, two non-profits geared at media, communication, and development, are the other organizations that initiated the Climate Change Media Partnership. Their inaugural act was to bring thirty-seven journalists from developing countries to the U.N. climate change conference in Bali in late 2007.

Next week’s meeting, which begins December 1, is the midway point in a two-year roadmap approved in Bali to negotiate stronger greenhouse gas reductions, reduce deforestation emissions, expand adaptation efforts, and somehow figure out how to pay for it. The U.N. hopes to develop a new climate change agreement to replace the expiring Kyoto Protocol at a culminating summit in Copenhagen in December 2009.

In Poland, the Climate Change Media Partnership plans to expand the support program it developed in Bali, helping the journalists under its wing to cover the meeting amidst the zoo-like atmosphere of an expected 8,000 participants. It will host a daylong media clinic and daily breakfast briefings, and will help find experts and negotiators for reporters to interview. Shanahan said that the impact of this assistance in Bali was considerable, resulting in about 720 stories during the summit as well as ongoing coverage over the past year. (YouTube has clips of the Bali fellows.) One journalist from the Philippines went home and raised money to run her own climate-change media training for other Asian journalists, he said.

Financial support for the Climate Change Media Partnership’s work in Poland comes from the British government, the World Bank, and several international foundations, including the V. Kann Rasmussen Foundation, Germeshausen Foundation, Ford Foundation, and Rockefeller Brothers Fund.

The success in Bali led to fierce competition for the fellowships: about 1,100 information requests and nearly 400 applicants for forty slots. Twelve radio and television and twenty-eight print/online reporters were chosen. Some come from vulnerable countries, like Bangladesh, Vietnam, and Zambia, which face major adaptation challenges. The irony, of course, is that most of these less-developed countries did little to contribute to the greenhouse gas emissions that now threaten their land and people. Other fellows come from developing countries with emerging markets, such as China, India, Indonesia, and Brazil, which are part of the climate problem and will be pressed to become part of the solution in the new treaty negotiations.

Four of the Poznan journalism fellows, including Faleiros, are alums of the Bali program and will help mentor the new group while also doing their own reporting. The thirty-year-old Faleiros writes for O Eco online, a Brazilian environmental news agency, covering issues such as tropical forest conservation and biofuel production.

It was during the Bali fellowship that “the whole issue of deforestation emissions as a global problem became much clearer to me,” Faleiros, who recently moved to England, wrote in an e-mail. Experts estimate that deforestation in tropical countries such as Brazil contributes to as much as one-fifth of global greenhouse gas emissions. Faleiros reported and blogged from Bali (in Portuguese and English) and in Poznan expects to “cover the whole negotiations, write the hard news everyday. But what I really want is to come out with good material about forest governance. I will take the opportunity to interview as much people as I can.”

Poznan will launch a tough year of international climate negotiations amongst countries big and small as the U.N. struggles to meet its daunting deadline. Shanahan said that the Climate Change Media Partnership hopes to continue its support, networking current fellows and sending another contingent to the 2009 Copenhagen climate change summit. He is also organizing a panel on climate change coverage in developing countries for the World Conference of Science Journalists in London next July.

Oh, That's Rich

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CJR alum Kiera Butler, now of Mother Jones, turns in a nice interview with The New York Times's theater-critic-turned-political theater-critic Frank Rich. Well worth a read.

Tragic

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From Celia W. Dugger on A1 of today's New York Times:

A new study by Harvard researchers estimates that the South African government would have prevented the premature deaths of 365,000 people earlier this decade if it had provided antiretroviral drugs to AIDS patients and widely administered drugs to help prevent pregnant women from infecting their babies.


The Harvard study concluded that the policies grew out of President Thabo Mbeki’s denial of the well-established scientific consensus about the viral cause of AIDS and the essential role of antiretroviral drugs in treating it.

And:

Epidemiologists and biostatisticians who reviewed the study for The New York Times said the researchers had based their estimates on conservative assumptions and used a sound methodology.

And:

The new government is now trying to hasten the expansion of antiretroviral treatments. The task is urgent. South Africa today is home to 5.7 million people who are H.I.V.-positive — more than any other nation, almost one in five adults. More than 900 people a day die here as a result of AIDS, the United Nations estimates.

Also on the Times's A1 today: a mother in Florida, as with "millions of mothers across the nation" this year, will "go without the designer jeans she covets this season" in order to buy a garage-full of toys for her young daughter.

Chef Executive Officer

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So the Times suggests you run your Thanksgiving dinner like you're a CEO.

But skip the story and let The Audit's Dean Starkman tell you what that would really mean:

"Make everybody else cook and take all the turkey for yourself."

Global Cooling, Confused Coverage

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Proving that old misunderstandings are not easily resolved, Politico published an anachronistically bad article about climate science yesterday. The piece, by Erika Lovley, began by stating that:

Climate change skeptics on Capitol Hill are quietly watching a growing accumulation of global cooling science and other findings that could signal that the science behind global warming may still be too shaky to warrant cap-and-trade legislation.

First of all, Lovley does not review (or even mention) a single piece of climate research that supports the notion of a “growing accumulation of global cooling science.” Second of all, she bases her entire piece on the arguments of Josef D’Aleo and a section on climate change that he wrote for the 2009 Old Farmer’s Almanac (that bastion of peer-reviewed science!). D’Aleo is co-founder of The Weather Channel and a career meteorologist with a master’s degree in meteorology, but he does not have a doctorate in climatology. Generally speaking, that is an important distinction that all climate reporters should be aware of when choosing sources for their reporting.

There has been a notable trend in global-warming skepticism among meteorologists; it’s unclear exactly why that is, but it has led to some journalistic confusion about the difference between weather (meteorologists’ domain) and climate (Ph.D climate scientists’ domain). And that confusion has abetted some of the misunderstanding about global cooling. Lovley writes that:

Armed with statistics from the Goddard Institute for Space Studies and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s National Climate Data Center, D’Aleo reported in the 2009 Old Farmer’s Almanac that the U.S. annual mean temperature has fluctuated for decades and has only risen 0.21 degrees since 1930 — which he says is caused by fluctuating solar activity levels and ocean temperatures, not carbon emissions.

Data from the same source shows that during five of the past seven decades, including this one, average U.S. temperatures have gone down. And the almanac predicted that the next year will see a period of cooling.

Well, yes, the mean temperature in the U.S. has gone up and down over the last century, but it’s global mean temperature that really matters in this debate. Furthermore, if Lovely had called the people behind that data, she would have learned that the scientists at Goddard firmly believe the world is getting warmer. Lovley gets to the Northern Hemisphere, at least, shortly thereafter when she quotes D’Aleo delivering one of the most common, and fairly easily rebutted, arguments in the skeptic’s playbook: “Recent warming has stopped since 1998.”

First, 1998 was an anomalously warm year (due to a particularly strong El Niño effect in the Pacific), so it is not a particularly good baseline for comparison. Second, the statement relies on only one data set (i.e. temperature record), from the Hadley Climate Centre in the U.K.’s Met Office (weather service), which happens to represent the lower end of warming. Other data sets show greater warming since 1998, and although the Hadley Centre data still lists that year as the hottest on record, others agree that 2005 was hottest and that 1998 and 2007 are tied for second place. Finally, the last and perhaps biggest problem with D’Aleo’s statement is that ten years is really too short a time period to show anything useful about climate. (Both Grist and New Scientist have made all of this abundantly clear; and, like Goddard, the Hadley Centre does not dispute the scientific consensus on climate change). The bottom line: in the long run, the Earth as a whole is still getting warmer.

This brings us back to the confusion about weather and climate, and the fact that short-term changes in the former are irrelevant to long-term trends in the latter. Yet every winter, the onset of cold inspires climate skeptics to once again attempt to “debunk” global warming and journalists to once again fall for the maneuver. I reported on that phenomenon in 2007, and New York Times reporter Andrew Revkin covered it in March 2008. Despite journalists’ earnest, and somewhat successful, efforts to move past the basic points that global warming is happening and that human industry is the cause, lingering confusion about the basics of climate science continues to plague public understanding.

To be sure, covering climate change is difficult; and covering temperature trends is an especially perilous task. Even when Revkin wrote his March Times story about skeptics “seizing” on cold weather to rebut anthropogenic warming, he received largely unwarranted criticism from energy expert and Climate Progress blogger Joseph Romm. The same thing happened two weeks ago when Revkin covered a study in the journal Nature (a far more reliable venue than the Old Farmer’s Almanac), which predicted that the world would soon enter a prolonged cold spell. Revkin was careful to report that the study drew criticism from other scientists, and that the study’s authors agree that we need to cut carbon emissions and that humans control the fate of the climate. That wasn’t enough to preclude criticism from Romm. Of course, Romm went after Lovley, too, in a stinging review at The Huffington Post, but it does go to show that reporters are often stuck in a damned-if-you-do, damned-if-you-don’t scenario.

That said, Politico should bear full responsibility for yesterday’s terrible article. Not only did Lovley exhibit a thorough misunderstanding of climate science, she also demonstrated a pretty shocking ignorance of good journalistic practice. Every shred of information in her piece suggests that Lovley followed the playbook of the communications office (read: spin room) of Senator Jim Inhofe, the most adamant skeptic in Congress. She notes, for example, that “more than 31,000 scientists across the world have signed the Global Warming Petition Project,” which asserts that human influence on climate can’t be proven, and that “Inhofe’s staff has been steadily compiling a list of global cooling findings.” Of course, few of the 31,000 have advanced degrees in climatology. And when it comes to the science itself, one wonders if Lovley even bothered to look up a single peer-reviewed study about global temperature trends, or whether she simply took Inhofe’s word for it.

In a final act of journalistic folly (and a lame attempt at “balance”), Lovley’s last paragraph quotes Al Gore spokeswoman Kalee Kreider rebutting the argument against global warming. Now Gore and Kreider probably know more about climate science than Inhofe does, but they are still not scientists. And, to make matters worse (I know, it doesn’t seem possible), Lovley has a sidebar to her story that is even more asinine than the main article. It’s about “The Gore Effect,” by which severe cold sets in whenever the former vice-president is due to speak about global warming:

“While there’s no scientific proof that The Gore Effect is anything more than a humorous coincidence,” Lovley writes, “some climate skeptics say it may offer a snapshot of proof that the planet isn’t warming as quickly as some climate change advocates say.”

The vacuity is almost too much to bear.

MeetThePressStakes

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Ted Koppel leaves Discovery a few months before his contract expires (Koppel: "Producing our kind of news-related programs is an expensive proposition.") Must be freeing himself up for that Meet The Press job! Or: Maybe he's already got it?

Train your speculation NBC News-ward! Take a well-earned break from CabinetStakes to participate in this latest flareup of MeetThePressStakes. (But hurry. "A Peacock official said the net would be making an announcement about Russert's replacement 'pretty soon'," reports Variety.)

Joe Nocera's Mailbag

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The NYT's Joe Nocera publishes an excellent email from an unnamed banker predicting an impending (and deserved, he says) collapse in the credit-card industry.

The banks reel in the consumer, charge interest rates higher than those charged by the mob, increase lines without the consumer asking and without their consent, and lure them into overextending. And we can count on the banks to act surprised when they aren’t paid back. Shame on them.

This ain't exactly Ralph Nader here—this is a banker saying that.

And he's got a great idea here:

In 2003, Congress passed the Fair and Accurate Credit Transactions Act of 2003. This law was implemented through regulations issued by the Federal Trade Commission in consultation with the federal banking and credit union agencies. It requires all credit card and insurance solicitations to include a disclosure for “prescreened offers.” We are all familiar with them. They are the dozens of credit card offers that are sent, unsolicited, to consumers, usually by mail. The law allows the consumer to opt out of receiving prescreened offers by calling an 800-number.

I think Congress did this backwards. Perhaps it could amend the law. The regulation should have required the consumer to opt in, if they so desire, instead of opting out. That would mean that no one would get an unsolicited credit card offer. If a consumer needs a credit card he or she could be given an option to call an 800-number to opt in. Or the consumer could go to their local bank and apply for a credit card in person. Or the consumer could go online and apply for a credit card. The consumer can also view all the best credit cards, nationally, at bankrate.com. Bankrate.com is an invaluable tool for consumers.

Some other benefits: (1) It would halt the message being sent that credit is free and perhaps limit irresponsible accumulation of credit lines. (2) It would force the banks to become more competitive in their rates. The consumer is going to need a break and they will need it soon. And credit card rates, which are quite often above 22 percent, is piracy. (3) Eliminating mass mailings would save a lot of trees.

The debt bubble that's deflating will just reinflate again down the line if we don't actively restrain it.

This is the second email Nocera has printed from this guy, both of which have been great. Maybe the Times should give him his own column.

Check out this Bloomberg story on a Pennsylvania county getting into derivatives to help balance its budget.

The interest-rate swaps, which involve $42 million of fixed-rate debt, guarantees Dauphin County $816,000 the first year and then wagers taxpayers’ money that short-term interest rates beginning in September 2009 won’t exceed 7 percent. Those rates are 2.2 percent now.

“It’s a way for us to raise revenue for the county,” said Chad Saylor, chief of staff to the county commission. “The only source of revenue we have, much like the school districts here, is the property tax.”

The commission’s decision shows the appeal of derivatives, even as states, cities and counties reel from misplaced bets on them. It also illustrates the lure of easy money at a time when municipal finances are deteriorating and the market for interest-rate swaps is under a federal criminal investigation into whether Wall Street banks conspired to overcharge local governments on the contracts.

That's telling it like it is. So is this:

“We’ve got to get municipalities out of managing their interest-rate risk based on their view of the world,” said Robert Brooks, the Wallace D. Malone Jr. endowed chair of financial management at the University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa. “If they can’t explain clearly to their constituencies what they’re doing, perhaps the transaction fails the explainability test and shouldn’t be done.”

In Alabama’s Jefferson County, home of Birmingham, rising interest costs on more than $3 billion in adjustable-rate sewer bonds combined with wrong-way bets on swaps is threatening to produce the biggest municipal bankruptcy since Orange County’s default in 1994. Governor Bob Riley is negotiating with JPMorgan Chase & Co. and the county’s bond insurers to restructure the debt and swaps.

The Los Angeles Times has a good investigation of questionable stock sales at New Century Financial, which was one of the first big subprime shops to go bust last year.

The paper looked at the timing of stock trades by top executives and found quite a number of discrepancies:

* Cole adopted a trading plan on Sept. 15, 2006, and sold 25,000 shares under it the same day. Two other executives, Chief Financial Officer Patti M. Dodge and Executive Vice President Kevin Cloyd, sold stock within a week of setting up their plans in February 2005. Legal experts say making trades so quickly after a plan is adopted weakens the protection offered by a trading plan, because prosecutors or shareholder attorneys could argue that the plans were drafted to facilitate a quick dumping of shares.

* All six executives either enacted plans or made trades on the same dates as other executives, which legal experts say could raise questions about whether they were acting in concert on inside information.

* The trades do not appear to follow regular patterns. Over two years, for example, Morrice made only two sales under his trading plan — and both were in July 2005, allowing him to sell $6.4 million worth of stock before the price fell about 40% later that summer.

The LAT reports that a federal investigation into the stock trades, announced more than a year and a half ago,

This is good work, but it would have been great if the paper had analyzed what happened in the days and weeks after the stock sales, like the Journal did in its blockbuster options-backdating investigation a few years ago.

Still, it looks pretty bad for New Century:

"Under these trading plans, you would expect to see a pattern of sales," said David Nolte, a forensic accountant with Fulcrum Inquiry in Los Angeles, which performs investigative audits for government agencies and law firms. "That's not the situation with New Century. That's why, if prosecutors wanted, they could draw a distinction between a plan that is legitimate and a plan that is a ruse."

And check this number out—it shows just how bad New Century's loans had gotten by 2004:

For example, the proportionof borrowers who had failed to make payments in the first three months of a loan reached 10% by November 2004 — up from 4.2% in March, according to an internal report filed in a federal lawsuit against New Century by the New York State Teachers' Retirement System.

The Story of the Small Banks

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The Washington Monthly has a good story looking at the successes of community banks, which are in pretty good shape unlike their "too big to fail" cousins staggering around the marketplace.

Last week, I pointed to a good piece by Daniel Gross in Newsweek that hits on some of similar topics. The Washington Monthly piece broadens into an argument for smaller-scale banking.

This is an amazing piece of information:

According to FDIC data, the failure rate among big banks (those with assets of $1 billion or more) is seven times greater than among small banks. Moreover, banks with less than $1 billion in assets—what are typically called community banks—are outperforming larger banks on most key measures, such as return on assets, charge-offs for bad loans, and net profit margin.

One reason community banks are doing so well right now is simply that they never became too clever for their own good. When other lenders, including underregulated giants like Ameriquest and Countrywide, started peddling ugly subprime mortgages, community banks stayed away. Banking regulations prevented them from taking on the kind of debt ratios assumed by their competitors, and ties to their customers and community ensured that predatory loans were out of the question.

And these banks are still lending, helping to prop up the economy the best they can.

Here's some solid background info:

For decades now, most experts have argued that in finance, bigger is better. With their economies of scale, larger institutions are more efficient, goes the reasoning. They can match up lenders and borrowers all about the globe, tapping into places where money is piling up (like China or the United Arab Emirates) and directing those funds to borrowers in places where money is scarce (like Stockton, California, or East Cleveland, Ohio).

Such reasoning has held sway for a generation. The Monetary Control Act of 1980 made it easier for banks to merge, while also embracing a world in which middle-class Americans would put more and more of their savings into mutual funds and money market accounts. Another major change occurred in 1994, when large bank holding companies secured the freedom to set up branch networks outside their home states. Perhaps the biggest shift came in 1999, when (at the urging of Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan) Congress and the Clinton administration repealed the Depression-era Glass-Steagall Act, which had placed barriers between different kinds of financial institutions. After this repeal, commercial banks, investment houses, and insurance companies began to merge into complex, hybrid institutions that put ever-greater distance between borrowers and lenders.

With the shift in rules, transactional banking started to replace relationship banking. Big institutions bought up many community banks and set up new branches and ATM networks across state lines. Consumers responded favorably to the convenience of having access to everything in one place—brokerage accounts as well as traditional savings vehicles—and to being able to bank wherever they traveled.

Many small financial institutions tried desperately to compete by getting bigger themselves, and more than a few succeeded. Meanwhile, those that stayed small faced increasing challenges. Enormous, largely unregulated institutions like Countrywide and Ameriquest—"non-bank" banks—were competing very effectively for customers.

What the magazine (rightly) predicts next just can't be allowed to happen:

Perversely, even as Washington prepares to distribute rescue dollars, it is once again the big banks that stand to come out ahead. When the latest crisis shakes out, the United States may well be left with just three or four titanic entities that will not only be "too big to fail" but also excessively powerful, even if heavily regulated. Already, just three institutions, Citigroup, Bank of America, and J. P. Morgan, hold more than 30 percent of the nation’s deposits and 40 percent of bank loans to corporations.

Half of all Americans do business with Bank of America.

There's a serious conversation that needs to take place about the consolidation in our economy—especially in finance. If something is too big to fail, it should be disassembled to the point where its collapse would no longer endanger the rest of us.

The Washington Monthly's piece is a good place to start.

Portfolio: Anybody Home?

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A Double Debit to Conde Nast Portfolio for offering us an extended portrait of luxury homebuilder Bob Toll as a gutsy CEO who is down but not out, and then following that unfortunate puff piece with another one on how a reporter’s choice to rent a $13,000-a-month mansion he couldn’t afford is emblematic of the housing crisis. Each article has problems of its own, but together they look even worse, and make Portfolio seem embarrassingly out of touch with the realities of the current financial situation.

We’ll start with Portfolio’s cover profile of Toll, which combines two shopworn bizpress formulas—the counterintuitive slant and access journalism—in a single story. Perhaps all these journalistic calisthenics would be worth it if there were a point to this piece. But there isn't.

Turkey of A Headline

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It's only Tuesday, but here's a contender in the Are You Kidding Me With This Thanksgiving-Themed News Report? Contest (which I've just made up after having stumbled upon the contender, courtesy of the Cape May County (NJ) Herald, and in anticipation of additional candidates-- cable news, I'm looking at you! -- as Thursday approaches):

"One Turkey's Thoughts On Thanksgiving. By: Puffledown of Cold Spring Village"

(To give you an idea of what to expect, this might be Maureen Cawley's, er, "Puffledown's," best line: "Turkey Day, you call it. Really? And what is it exactly you do on Mother’s Day? I really don’t even want to know.")

In his November 16 column, New York Times public editor Clark Hoyt examined two instances of the paper's use of young people as sources. In the first, political reporter Jodi Kantor, trying to find information about Cindy McCain for her profile of the candidate's wife, reached out to sixteen- and seventeen-year-old classmates of McCain's daughter, Bridget, through Facebook. In the second, a Times stringer turned to a twelve-year-old witness of alleged police brutality in a New York City subway station.

"How a newspaper like The Times should deal with minors — as news sources and as the subjects of articles — is a continually troubling issue," Hoyt wrote.

Facebook, MySpace and other such public windows into personal lives have made the issue more complicated. But the fundamental ethical questions remain the same: When is it appropriate to ask a youngster for information? When is it appropriate to quote a child on the record? When is it O.K. to name a minor involved in a crime or other news event?

Hoyt concluded that "children don’t have the life experience to understand what can happen when a reporter comes calling, and a responsible news organization owes them protection whenever it is possible."

In Sunday's column, though, Hoyt published a challenge to that maxim. "I would not want the reading public to think that minors are off limits when in fact we need to talk to them in a variety of situations," James Smith, a veteran newspaper editor, wrote. "Frankly, I have found that young people are more honest about what they see and hear and care about than adults can be."

In light of that, we return to Hoyt's original questions: When is it appropriate to ask youngsters for information? How do we define 'youngsters' in journalism's context, anyway? And how should reporters and editors balance a respect for the limitations of information children provide—indeed, a respect for children themselves—and their obligation to their stories?

Every Tuesday, CJR outlines a news-related question and opens the floor for debate. For previous News Meeting topics, click here.

Obama Makes It Up To Reporters

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Another day. Another presidential(-elect) economic news conference in Chicago. Four more questions fielded. Follow-ups? No. Make-ups? Yes.

Today, President-Elect Obama called on NBC News's Savannah Guthrie first, having ignored TV reporters yesterday (Guthrie asked whether Obama was more publicly involved in the economic crisis sooner than he expected he would be, causing Obama to again confirm that there's only one president at a time). Also among the four reporters Obama called on today was McClatchy's Steve Thomma. Said Obama:

The reason I'm going to call on Steve. I understand that as a lifelong White Sox fan, you were placed in the Cubs section yesterday, and I want to apologize for that. This is also part of the new way of doing business, when we make mistakes, we admit them.

The other two questions came from ABC7's (Chicago) Andy Shaw (Obama: "We're going local here") and the Chicago Tribune's Peter Nicholas. Should you be interested in more than which reporters got lucky today (like, what was asked and answered):

BusinessWeek Exposes the New Subprime

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I’ve got to applaud BusinessWeek for its aggressive investigation of dirty subprime lenders getting back into the mortgage game with the help of the federal government. It’s the cover story this week, aptly illustrated with a wolf in sheep’s clothing and a subheadline that says “Don’t let the makeover fool you.”

This is the kind of assertive reporting and editorial packaging that we don’t see enough.

Chad Terhune and Robert Berner report that lots of subprime shops are now in the business of hawking Federal Housing Administration loans, and—surprise!—their borrowers are going default at a much faster clip than the average.

But now there's a severe danger that aggressive lenders and brokers schooled in the rash ways of the subprime industry will overwhelm the FHA with loans for people unlikely to make their payments. Exacerbating matters, FHA officials seem oblivious to what's happening—or incapable of stopping it. They're giving mortgage firms licenses to dole out 100%-insured loans despite lender records blotted by state sanctions, bankruptcy filings, civil lawsuits, and even criminal convictions…

As a result, the nation could soon suffer a fresh wave of defaults and foreclosures, with Washington obliged to respond with yet another gargantuan bailout.

Here’s one of the subprime slimeballs BW points out:

Jerry Cugno started Premier Mortgage Funding in Clearwater, on the Gulf Coast of Florida, in 2002. Over the next four years, it became one of the country's largest subprime lenders, with 750 branches and 5,000 brokers across the U.S. Cugno, now 59, took home millions of dollars and rewarded top salesmen with Caribbean cruises and shiny Hummers, according to court records and interviews with former employees. But along the way, Premier accumulated a dismal regulatory record. Five states—Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, Ohio, and Wisconsin—revoked its license for various abuses; four others disciplined the company for using unlicensed brokers or similar violations. The crash of the subprime market and a barrage of lawsuits prompted Premier to file for U.S. bankruptcy court protection in Tampa in July 2007. Then, in March, a Premier unit in Cleveland and its manager pleaded guilty to felony charges related to fraudulent mortgage schemes.

But Premier didn't just close down. Since it declared bankruptcy, federal records show, it has issued more than 2,000 taxpayer-insured mortgages—worth a total of $250 million. According to the FHA, Premier failed to notify the agency of its Chapter 11 filing, as required by law. In late October, an FHA spokesman admitted it was unaware of Premier's situation and welcomed any information BusinessWeek could provide.

You'd think the government would have had Premier on a watch list. According to data compiled by the FHA's parent, the U.S. Housing & Urban Development Dept. (HUD), the firm's borrowers have a 9.2% default rate, the second highest among large-volume FHA lenders nationally.

Ouch.

And check out this Long Island outfit:

But why the federal government would want to do business with Lend America is perplexing. Ashley has a long history of legal scrapes. One of them led to his pleading guilty in 1996 in federal court in Uniondale, N.Y., to two counts of wire fraud related to a mortgage scam at another company his family ran called Liberty Mortgage. He was sentenced to five years' probation and ordered to pay a $30,000 fine. His father, Kenneth Ashley, was sentenced to nearly four years in prison.

How are these folks slipping through the cracks? BizWeek supplies the answer with excellent context on the FHA bureaucracy itself:

Some current and former federal housing officials say the agency isn't anywhere close to being equipped to deal with the onslaught of lenders seeking to cash in. Thirty-six thousand lenders now have FHA licenses, up from 16,000 in mid-2007. FHA "faces a tsunami" in the form of ex-subprime lenders who favor aggressive sales tactics and sometimes engage in outright fraud, says Kenneth M. Donohue Sr., the inspector general for HUD. "I am very concerned that the same players who brought us problems in the subprime area are now reconstituting themselves and bringing loans into the FHA portfolio," he adds.

FHA staffing has remained roughly level over the past five years, at just under 1,000 employees, even as that tsunami has been building, Donohue points out. The FHA unit that approves new lenders, recertifies existing ones, and oversees quality assurance has only five slots; two of those were vacant this fall, according to HUD's Web site. Former housing officials say lender evaluations sometimes amount to little more than a brief phone call, which helps explain why questionable ex-subprime operations can re–invent themselves and gain approval.

There’s lots of stuff on the shady doings at the above-mentioned Premier:

The case before Judge Enslen concerned Marcia Clifford, 53. She won a civil verdict that Premier had violated federal mortgage law when it replaced the fixed-rate loan it had promised her with one bearing an adjustable rate. Enslen also found that Premier had misrepresented Clifford on her application as employed when she was out of work and living on $700 a month in disability payments. Despite his ire, the judge decided to award Clifford, who did sign the deceptive documents, only $3,720 in damages, an amount based on unauthorized fees Premier had pocketed.

Clifford's name now appears along with a lengthy list of Premier's other creditors in the bankruptcy court in Tampa. Unable to make her $600 monthly mortgage payment, she received an eviction notice in June and says she is likely to lose her three-bedroom house in Belding, Mich. "It was a bait and switch," Clifford says, sobbing. "The folks at Premier are coldhearted."

Janice Dixon is also owed money by Premier. In March 2006 an Alabama jury awarded her $127,000 in damages related to a fraudulent refinancing in which, she alleged, the company didn't disclose the full costs of her borrowing. "Who will fix this?" Dixon, 49, asks. "They will continue to do these same things over and over."

This is exactly the kind of reporting we needed more of in the last six years (though BusinessWeek certainly has previously done great work) and exactly what we need going forward.

Wait, Must John Roberts Tie?

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Yesterday, Megan highlighted CNN's reporting on the question of whether its own John Roberts should ever again appear on-air sans cravat (What do viewers say? What do tie experts say?)

Today, we can ask (and answer!) another related question: WWLAD? What Would Lee Abrams Do? (Or, what would Abrams, the Tribune Co.'s Innovation Chief, have John Roberts do?) Because, in Abrams's latest Tribune memo, he just happens to weigh in on the topic of on-air wear. Indeed, one of Abrams's suggestions for "blow[ing] up" TV news (in a good way):

*CASUAL STYLE: What with the suits and ties? I'm not suggesting sloppy...but business casual...maybe even eccentric as the Crime expert could be in a Columbo styled rumpled sweater. ...but CHARACTER, not straight laced uptight "TV News people"

So maybe Roberts was on the right track ditching the tie. (And, CNN folks have already been known to report in costume.)

Picture This

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The infographic was among man’s earliest means of communication (think petroglyph), yet after millennia of evolution, this marriage of text and images is only now realizing its full potential as a journalistic tool. The proliferation of data, the ease of access to that data, and the emergence of new ways to carve it up and serve it to overburdened readers have turned yesterday’s static, often redundant graphics into animated, interactive, and dynamic efforts that are one of our most promising strategies for making complex stories digestible.

Much of the experimentation and development of infographic techniques is happening at universities. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Senseable City Laboratory, for example, created Real Time Rome, which uses cell-phone signals to chart the movement of the city’s population throughout the day. UCLA statistician Mark Hansen turned digital technology into art in the lobby of the new New York Times building, through a system that culls the most-used phrases in the news-media databases and flashes them on rows of screens.

Making a cool infographic is one thing. But making one that serves a journalistic purpose requires a pairing of the ability to visualize statistical information with a reporter’s sense of news judgment. Hannah Fairfield, a graphics editor at the Times, is one of this new breed of infographic journalists. Last spring, as the subprime story was blowing up, Fairfield created an infographic that illustrated and explained the concentrations of subprime mortgages and foreclosures around the country. She collected data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and other sources, and separated the numbers into two sets—one that showed subprime mortgages as a percentage of all mortgages in counties throughout the U.S., and another that showed subprime mortgage foreclosures as a percentage of all subprime mortgages in metropolitan areas. She then imported this data into a program called ArcMap, a geographical information system that allows users to create maps to analyze spatial data.

For AJR, Paul Farhi explores the present and future of campaign trail reporting:

Michael Shear, who will cover the Obama White House for the Washington Post, calls the general drift [away from the campaign trail for reasons of cost and increasingly coy candidates] of the political press "pernicious": "What we in daily journalism may be evolving to is covering [the candidates] purely by watching TV and listening to the pundits."

Which actually might not be so different from being out on the trail, to hear Matt Bai (New York Times Magazine) describe it.

"I really couldn't take the crossfire on the campaign bus," says Bai, who met his wife, a Fox News producer, on the trail in 2000. "It gets pretty tiresome to hear reporters pontificating to each other about what the candidates are doing wrong. I just can't stand it. It's mostly people who haven't [covered] a campaign before saying, 'They're spending their money wrong, the speech is wrong, he's doing everything wrong.'... It's like watching cable all day. It's just noise."

Slate on Predatory Lending

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Slate has a nice, if a bit too easy, piece focusing on the predatory lending that played a huge role in causing the housing crisis.

The author points out the Countrywide/Bank of America settlement that got far less attention than it should have:

In early October, Bank of America quietly entered into the largest settlement in history to make amends for predatory lending, putting up more than $8 billion to rescue borrowers with faulty loans from Countrywide Financial, a notorious subprime lender recently purchased by the bank.

The people who were put into subprime loans even though they qualified for prime ones are the broadest evidence of criminality (or what should be a crime) in the mortgage industry:

When the study assessed borrowers of similar incomes, 30 percent of African-American borrowers received subprime loans, compared with 18 percent of whites and 26 percent of Latinos. These discrepancies aren't absolute proof, but they suggest that discriminatory steering took place in which otherwise qualified borrowers of color were directed to subprime, and substandard, loans. Federal law makes it illegal to discriminate based on race in the terms and conditions of a home mortgage loan. It would appear that this is exactly what happened...

This discrimination is at the core of a number of lawsuits advocates have filed across the country over the last year. Several of the cases focus on a particularly devious practice: Without borrower knowledge, many mortgage brokers received a commission from the lender for persuading a borrower to accept a higher loan interest rate than what the bank was otherwise willing to offer. The lawsuits claim that such commissions were paid more often in loans to African-Americans and Latinos than in loans to whites, revealing, again, that lenders often charged borrowers of color more than their white counterparts. As these suits progress, and the groups suing gain access to lenders' and brokers' records—e-mails, internal memoranda, training materials, and other documents—we are likely to learn more about the practices of the lenders who are the defendants and about the industry in general.

These have long been some of the most glaring problems in the whole housing story, but it's always good to see the spotlight shine on them, however fleetingly. I'm not sure how it can't be a crime to incentivize brokers to give homebuyers worse loans. If it isn't, it should be.

But Slate is too simplistic in saying going after the fraud will solve our problems:

The Department of Justice, the state attorney general, legal-services attorneys, volunteer lawyers, and law students should all be poring over California loan documents to smoke out the brokers who violated their legally mandated duties to their clients. If a significant number of loans in California alone could be altered, consistent with the borrowers' abilities to pay, either through litigation or its threat, the federal government wouldn't have to pay as much for a national bailout...

Going after the lawbreakers helps to address these concerns. It would not only lower the cost of the rescue plan by reducing the number of borrowers needing help, it would also direct assistance only to those people who were victims of illegal conduct and insulate the loan modifications from litigation by investors looking to preserve their investments. Investors won't challenge loan restructuring when the underlying loans were made on illegal terms.

This horse has left the barn. The banking system is in such rotten shape that any more pressure on it can only hurt us all—badly. That's why good regulation is so critical: To prevent these things from happening before it's too late. I hate to say it, but it just doesn't seem feasible for the banks to take more writeoffs of bad loans. Somebody's got to pay for it.

That doesn't mean these brokers and CEOs shouldn't be perp-walked and turned upside down and shaken till their ill-gotten silver is recovered —bring it on!. And clearly, people who were fraudulently put into mortgages ought to be first in line to get bailed out of them.

But this mess, unfortunately, is more complex than Slate's piece would have it appear.

How does the press love the "Clintons=Drama For No-Drama Obama" storyline? Others have tried to count the ways.

This morning, Fox News's Fox & Friends ran a segment headlined "Nemeses Neutralized?" discussing President-Elect Obama's likely selection of Sen. Clinton as secretary of state and how this would mean (alas) one "former rival" being brought into the fold. Harmony? Teamwork?

Not so fast. Sometimes, "neutralizing" one "nemesis" can also mean exacerbating another existing rivalry. And Fox News's Steve Doocey found that silver lining! If Obama names Clinton secretary of state, he will be offering her the job that Gov. Bill Richardson (that primary-era Clinton frenemy) "really wanted."

Dramz!

Heds Up, Heds Down

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Headline of the Day, from the Journal editorial page:

"Why Don't We Hang Pirates Anymore?"

Worst Headline of the Day, from Bloomberg News:

"Citigroup's $306 Billion Rescue Fueled by Pizza From Domino's"

Bonus Worst Lede of the Day, from the same Bloomberg News story:

The deal to rescue the world's best-known bank was pieced together by regulators over Domino's pizza in near-empty offices one block from the White House.

Thanks for that.

Winners & Sinners

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Sinner: Michelle Cottle, for wasting the first 2,515 words of a 3,253-word piece about Barney Frank in The New Republic with overheated prose describing the Democratic congressman's bad grooming, brusque demeanor, and involvement in a nineteen-year-old sex scandal—before finally discovering her lead: the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee is

recognized by Republicans and Democrats alike as brilliant--for years, he has been voted the brainiest House member in surveys of Hill staffers--he is said to have an impressive grasp of both the policy and political implications of any given bill, with a particular gift for reduction...Colleagues past and present stress that, for all his partisan showmanship, Frank is fair-minded and practical. People point to his committee as the most prolific on the Hill last year, with the chairman shepherding through numerous bills on solidly bipartisan votes--a vastly more exhausting venture than rabble-rousing from the back benches.

Next time, give a lot less space to your subject's shirttails, and a whole lot more to his cognitive functions. That way it won't take the reader so long to realize that you're actually profiling a national treasure.

Winner: The sublime Rick Hertzberg, for another superbly sophisticated "Comment" in the New Yorker, about Proposition 8, the California ballot initiative which outlawed marriage equality. His opening paragraph is worth the price of the magazine:

You might think that an organization that for most of the first of its not yet two centuries of existence was the world's most notorious proponent of startlingly unconventional forms of wedded bliss would be a little reticent about issuing orders to the rest of humanity specifying exactly who should be legally entitled to marry whom. But no. The Mormon Church—as anyone can attest who has ever answered the doorbell to find a pair of polite, persistent, adolescent "elders" standing on the stoop, tracts in hand—does not count reticence among the cardinal virtues. Nor does its own history of matrimonial excess bring a blush to its cheek. The original Latter-day Saint, Joseph Smith, acquired at least twenty-eight and perhaps sixty wives, some of them in their early teens, before he was lynched, in 1844, at age thirty-eight. Brigham Young, Smith's immediate successor, was a bridegroom twenty times over, and his successors, along with much of the male Mormon élite, kept up the mass marrying until the nineteen-thirties—decades after the Church had officially disavowed polygamy, the price of Utah's admission to the Union, in 1896. As Richard and Joan Ostling write in "Mormon America: The Power and the Promise" (2007), "Smith and his successors in Utah managed American history's only wide-scale experiment in multiple wives, boldly challenging the nation's entrenched family structure and the morality of Western Judeo-Christian culture.

Winner: Jim Sleeper, for delineating the exquisite love/hate relationship David Brooks enjoys with products of the Ivy League. Like his conservative confrere Andrew Sullivan, Brooks has a nearly unlimited capacity to come down firmly on all sides of every issue, as long as at least four years have intervened between columns. (See the invasion of Iraq and the perils of unsafe sex as two of dozens of examples of Sullivan's flexibility.) At the dawn of the current administration, Brooks enthused:

The skills [George Bush] acquired in the Texas oil business are suited for a world in which success and failure are measured by tangible accomplishments, like oil production levels and after-tax profits,' so unlike Ivy League presumptions 'suited to a world in which the definition of success is totally unrelated to tangible accomplishment of any kind.

Now, as an all-Ivy president-elect fills his cabinet with other Ivy Leaguers, Brooks is suddenly "tremendously impressed....." This time, they "are twice as smart as the poor reporters who have to cover them, three times if you include the columnists...open-minded individuals who are persuadable by evidence.....are admired professionals,..... hardheaded and pragmatic."

Winner: The New Republic, for what turned out to be two of the most prescient and intelligent pieces of the entire campaign. Way back on May 28th, John B. Judis predicted that most voters would recoil from overtly racist appeals; he also identified the white women who were Hillary's bedrock supporters as among the least racist voters: therefore "Obama should be able to inherit them." And he did.

In July, Columbia professor Andrew Delbanco gave an almost unparalleled insight into Obama's mind with a brilliant literary review of the candidate's two books: "This is the writing of someone trying to map a route through a world where choices are less often between good and bad than between competing goods.”

Winner: Josh Getlin, for his fond remembrance in the Los Angeles Times of George Moscone,
the visionary San Francisco mayor who is the mostly forgotten half of the tragic double assassination that claimed his and Harvey Milk's lives exactly thirty years ago.

Sinner: New York Times TV reporter Jacques Steinberg, who begins his piece about 60 Minutes baffled by the runaway ratings success of "a news program that reports regularly from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan" and "devotes nearly 20 minutes to an arcane underpinning of the financial crisis known as credit-default swaps." (Actually, that piece about the economic meltdown was a masterful example of how to make an intricate subject understandable to everyone.)

Eventually Steinberg does manage to acknowledge that the "biggest factor in the increased popularity of "60 Minutes” this fall may be that it has redoubled its efforts to provide a deep, substantive exploration of the most pressing news of the moment." But then he goes on to display an almost pristine ignorance of all of the show's greatest hits–including Steve Kroft's fabulous interview with Obama braintrusters David Axelrod, David Plouffe, Robert Gibbs, and Anita Dunn, recorded hours after the candidate claimed victory in Grant Park–and broadcast just two weeks ago.

For the record, here are some other reasons the show has soared in the last twelve months:

- Lara Logan's balls-of-steel interview with Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf immediately after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

- Bob Simon's shining profile of Venezuelan conductor Gustavo Dudamel, the most electric personality to light up the classical music scene since Leonard Bernstein.


- Scott Pelley's devastating piece (produced by Henry Schuster) about Remote Area Medical, a group of volunteer doctors and nurses that was formed to provide free health care in the Amazon and the rest of the developing world—and now finds the largest need for its services in the United States of America.


- Steve Kroft's evisceration of one of the Iraq war's architects, former undersecretary of defense Douglas Feith. Great moments included Feith's inability to remember key points in his own book—the one he was on air to promote.

- Scott Pelley’s wrenching portrait of German citizen Murat Kurnaz, an innocent victim of American "extreme rendition," and another great piece by Pelley (produced by Shawn Efran)—a
profile
of Kirk Johnson, a young American who has stepped into the breach left by the Bush administration to secure visas for hundreds of former Iraqi employees of the United States left stranded by our government in Baghdad.

It's Turkey Time. Gobble Gobble

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I like this Allan Sloan column in the Washington Post looking back at the worst "turkeys" of the year.

Topping them all is the Lehman Brothers, and Sloan admirably slaps himself for a bad call:

Letting Lehman Brothers go into bankruptcy in September is the turkey of the year, if not the decade, for the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department. Lehman's failure set off a round of market freeze-ups and panics that we're still coping with. Among other things, it led to the Reserve Primary money market fund breaking the buck, which threatened a retail panic that forced the Fed and Treasury to intervene.

Plenty of people have been wrong about Lehman — including Lehman itself, which this year spent $761 million buying its own stock at an average price of $49.60. Recent price: 4 cents.

After letting Bear Stearns implode in March, the Fed seemed determined to protect Lehman. Players who thought the firm was safe ranged from Lehman chief executive Dick Fuld (who during the endgame kept holding out for better terms to raise capital that never came) ... to yours truly (who wrote in June that "Lehman won't fail"). Oh, well.

And unlike his colleague Steven Pearlstein, who let loose an embarrassing column lionizing Henry Paulson (and for that matter, his news counterparts who wrote a mystifyingly fawning two-piece profile of Hank) last week, Sloan slaps the Treasury Secretary around a bit:

Last fall Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson announced a superfund in which banks would combine to buy securities from "structured investment vehicles" they had left off their balance sheets. Amid a lack of interest, the superfund was canceled. Next came the $700 billion Troubled Asset Relief Program, which has now decided not to buy troubled assets. Hello?

Spiking the superfund and not buying troubled assets seem like the right things to do. They're on the turkey list because the government insisted it needed them to save the world, then walked away. That undermines public confidence, the most important asset the government has.

There's more, including Zell's buyout of Tribune and Harbinger's disastrous investment in the New York Times Company.

I'm guessing there will be another blowup or three before the year's out.

Sorkin Channels Wall Street

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Andrew Ross Sorkin in today’s New York Times lets Wall Street CEOs (of all people) snipe anonymously at Tim Geithner, Obama’s choice for Treasury secretary. His news colleagues and Bloomberg, meanwhile, have straightforward news stories that are much more positive toward the appointee.

Here’s Sorkin:

But Mr. Geithner’s involvement in several ultimately ill-fated efforts to buttress the American financial system is the very reason some Wall Street C.E.O.’s — a number of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of piquing the man who regulates them — question whether he’s up to the challenge...


And, of course, Mr. Geithner also oversaw and regulated an entire industry whose decline has delivered a further blow to an already weakened American economy. Under his watch, some of the biggest institutions that were the responsibility of the New York Fed — Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch and most recently, Citigroup — faltered. While he was one of the first regulators to smartly articulate the potential for an impending disaster, a number of observers question whether he went far enough to stop the calamity.

Sorkin is right to ask pointed questions about Geithner, but channeling Wall Street chiefs who were actually in charge of the businesses about why he didn’t do better at keeping them from running off the cliff? Come on.

Bloomberg presumably talked to a less narrow subset of self-interested sources, and reports—like Sorkin—that Geithner was early to see problems with credit-default swaps, but—unlike Sorkin—it writes that Geithner’s hands were somewhat tied in forcing change.

The big problem Geithner faced in trying to get a handle on the market: It was unregulated, so he lacked authority to make changes on his own and had to depend on his powers of persuasion.

The New York Fed chief began pressing banks in September 2005 to reduce trading backlogs that could prove dangerous should a crisis hit. An average 17 days’ worth of unsigned trades had piled up on dealers’ books, threatening to undermine the market if a wave of defaults hit. A lax system for unwinding and reassigning trades left dealers at times unsure of who was on the other side of their trade.

It took dealers a while to respond. A year later, they had cut the backlog of unsigned trades by 70 percent and doubled the number of deals that were electronically processed.

Sorkin's counterparts on the news side of the NYT, meanwhile, are too unquestioning in writing about Geithner:

Mr. Ryan, who helped direct the government’s rescue of the savings and loan industry in the 1990s, said Mr. Geithner’s involvement in the current rescue effort would give him an invaluable head start.


“He’s one of a core group of government executives who’s been part of every decision,” Mr. Ryan said.

Well, that hasn't worked out too well so far, has it?

Maybe Sorkin and his news colleagues can meet in the middle next time.

Covering Obvious Conclusions

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Several newspapers recently published articles about a new study of children and their Internet usage. The version in The New York Times, by Tamar Lewin, begins like this:

Good news for worried parents: All those hours their teenagers spend socializing on the Internet are not a bad thing, according to a new study by the MacArthur Foundation.

The words "MacArthur Foundation" and "New York Times" lead the reader to believe that time spent surfing the Internet is equivocally beneficial. But the study does not prove, or even attempt to prove, that fact. The Times does add the qualification that, “The study, conducted from 2005 to last summer, describes new-media usage but does not measure its effects.” What that means, but what the Times let slide, is that that renders this research somewhat meaningless.

A summary of the report, called the "Digital Youth Project," can be found here, and it turns out that the study didn't demonstrate anything very surprising. Digital Youth Project did not, for instance, compare the grades and social success of students relative to their level and type of Internet usage. Researchers did not examine whether there are good and bad forms of online time. The study's authors explain that:

The practices we focused upon incorporated a variety of geographic sites and research meth¬ods, ranging from questionnaires, surveys, semi-structured interviews, diary studies, observa¬tion, and content analyses of media sites, profiles, videos, and other materials. Collectively, the research team conducted 659 semi-structured interviews, 28 diary studies, and focus group interviews with 67 participants in total. We also conducted interviews informally with at least 78 individuals and participated in more than 50 research-related events such as conventions, summer camps, award ceremonies, and other local events. Complementing our interview-based strategy, we also clocked more than 5,194 observation hours, which were chronicled in regular field notes, and collected 10,468 profiles on sites such as MySpace, Facebook and Neopets (among others).

While undoubtedly a lot of work, this was not a terribly rigorous study. There was no control group, no null hypothesis. MacArthur’s researchers pretty much just interviewed people. It was essentially journalism, not science. Computer usage is a very interesting phenomenon to explore and there is potential for this study to change the way people understand how teenagers use the Internet. That being said, all that Digital Youth Project aimed to do was paint a picture of how students used digital media in their lives:

We rely on qualitative methods of interviewing, observation, and interpretive analysis in an effort to understand patterns in culture and social practices from the point of view of participants themselves, rather than beginning with our own categories. Our goal is to capture the youth cultures and practices related to new media, as well as the surrounding context, such as peer relations, family dynamics, local community institutions, and broader networks of technology and consumer culture.

Back when I used to work in education policy, at the Alliance for Excellent Education, we had a word for this sort of project: woofty, meaning that it was a soft, easy study, good for releases to the trade papers but containing no new or controversial information.

It goes without saying that the Internet is here to stay and that children's lives, even more so than adults’, are defined by technological interactions. But the trouble with this study—and the articles covering it, which appear to rely excessively on the MacArthur Foundation’s press release—is that it makes it seem that all Internet time is created equal. It ignores the idea that time on the Web might be distracting. One of the study's authors says:

It might surprise parents to learn that it is not a waste of time for their teens to hang out online. There are myths about kids spending time online – that it is dangerous or making them lazy. But we found that spending time online is essential for young people to pick up the social and technical skills they need to be competent citizens in the digital age.

The study basically says that using the Internet is good for teaching kids how to... use the Internet. It's hard to disagree with this statement. But note that the study did not demonstrate that spending a lot of time online was safe, or had no effect on children's work ethic.

It's only ten years ago that I was in high school. While I don't mean to sound elderly, and while it’s great to learn "how to get along with others, how to manage a public identity, and how to create a home page," wouldn't it also be important for teenagers to learn, say, algebra or early modern history? There are only so many hours in the day. Isn't anyone interested in what people give up to spend so much time on the Internet? The New York Times doesn’t seem to be.

Poisonous Coinage

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As the country tries to escape its economic doldrums, there’s been a lot of talk about how banks made “toxic loans” that exposed them and others to huge losses. It’s a very descriptive phrase that allows the biologic and economic worlds to collide.

The phrase “toxic loan” may have first appeared in 1992, as a headline on a series of articles by the American Banker. How prescient!

Except that these were loans by banks to clean up environmentally damaged areas—places poisoned by toxics.

“Toxic loan” next appears in 2000, according to Nexis, in a Cleveland Plain Dealer article about predatory lending, defined as “a growing practice among some mortgage and home-equity loan companies of seeking low-income borrowers and charging them unfairly high fees and interest.” That gets a little closer to the way the phrase is used today. But the practice then was “toxic” only to the borrowers, who couldn’t maintain the payments, and not to the lenders, who simply resold the foreclosed homes in a booming real estate market and recouped all their money.

But, by its nature, a toxin spreads its poison, and now both the borrowers and the banks are dropping like flies.

In a similar way, the use of the word “toxin” itself has worked its poison into the lexicon. “Toxic,” meaning poisonous, has existed for several hundred years and is almost always used as an adjective. Most people will use “toxin” as the noun. But most people will be wrong, unless they are speaking specifically of an animal or plant poison.

“Toxin” was first used in the late 1800s, when medical studies of bacteria were gaining currency. Every major dictionary defines a “toxin” as a poisonous microorganism produced by a living thing. By those dictionaries’ lights, chemical poisons like PCBs or melamine are “toxics,” but not “toxins.”

It sounds funny, though correct, to use “toxic” as a noun, as it was in the second paragraph and above. All “toxins” are “toxic,” but not all “toxics” are “toxins,” at least according to dictionaries not yet poisoned by common usage.

So while it’s OK to say that the bad loans were “toxic” to banks, it’s really not OK to say that the loans were “toxins” poisoning the banking system, as the fourth paragraph does. Well, since people were making the loans, one might argue that the loans were spread by a human poison ... but don’t tell that to your banker.

Hannity & ?

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Breaking news:

"Fox's Hannity Losing Liberal Half."

That is to say:

"Hannity and Colmes: Now With Even Less Colmes".

(Alan Colmes announced his departure from Fox News's Hannity & Colmes on his blog, Liberaland, via.... press release.)

The Times Is Also Right on Rubin

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Speaking of Robert Rubin, The New York Times yesterday had a great story on Citigroup and its atrocious risk-management policies.

To the extent that they existed, they were fatally compromised by conflicts of interest. Here's a nice anecdote on the firm's risk-management chief, David Bushnell, palling around with fixed-income executives—people he was supposed to be reining in:

One of Mr. Maheras's trusted deputies, Randolph H. Barker, helped oversee the huge build-up in mortgage-related securities at Citigroup. But Mr. Bushnell, Mr. Maheras and Mr. Barker were all old friends, having climbed the bank's corporate ladder together.

It was common in the bank to see Mr. Bushnell waiting patiently — sometimes as long as 45 minutes — outside Mr. Barker's office so he could drive him home to Short Hills, N.J., where both of their families lived. The two men took occasional fly-fishing trips together; one expedition left them stuck on a lake after their boat ran out of gas.

Because Mr. Bushnell had to monitor traders working for Mr. Barker's bond desk, their friendship raised eyebrows inside the company among those concerned about its controls.

And Rubin comes in for a lashing here, as well he should:

Problems with trading and banking oversight at Citigroup became so dire that the Federal Reserve took the unusual step of telling the bank it could make no more acquisitions until it put its house in order.

In 2005, stung by regulatory rebukes and unable to follow Mr. Weill's penchant for expanding Citigroup's holdings through rapid-fire takeovers, Mr. Prince and his board of directors decided to push even more aggressively into trading and other business that would allow Citigroup to continue expanding the bank internally.

One person who helped push Citigroup along this new path was Mr. Rubin.

The Times points to Rubin, a top Obama adviser whose acolytes will stock the new administration, as one of the two executives most responsible for what is essentially the demise of the firm.

In 2005, as Citigroup began its effort to expand from within, Mr. Rubin peppered his colleagues with questions as they formulated the plan. According to current and former colleagues, he believed that Citigroup was falling behind rivals like Morgan Stanley and Goldman, and he pushed to bulk up the bank's high-growth fixed-income trading, including the C.D.O. business.

Former colleagues said Mr. Rubin also encouraged Mr. Prince to broaden the bank's appetite for risk, provided that it also upgraded oversight — though the Federal Reserve later would conclude that the bank's oversight remained inadequate.

So Rubin, the "finance genius" of his time, pushed Citi into CDOs late in the game. This not only had implications for Citi's future, but for the inflation of the housing and credit bubble that was already well-inflated at that time. And Citi put those assets off its balance sheet so it could keep creating more.

The worst part of it is that Citi wouldn't have even existed if it weren't for Rubin:

When he was Treasury secretary during the Clinton administration, Mr. Rubin helped loosen Depression-era banking regulations that made the creation of Citigroup possible by allowing banks to expand far beyond their traditional role as lenders and permitting them to profit from a variety of financial activities. During the same period he helped beat back tighter oversight of exotic financial products, a development he had previously said he was helpless to prevent.

Nice that a year or so later he was making millions and millions of dollars from the company he helped create (and one that has a nasty history)

Greenspan's reputation is already forever destroyed by this crisis. Looks like Rubin's time has come as well.

Are You A "Good Reporter?"

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Washington Post ombud Deborah Howell asks and answers the question, "What makes a good reporter? "

Endless curiosity and a deep need to know what is happening. Then, the ability to hear a small clue and follow it....[Someone] savvy enough to find sources they can trust...The ability to sort out conflicting information is one of the hallmarks of good reporting...A reporter's first commitment is getting the story for readers; it trumps almost everything. That's the reason they sometimes miss their wedding anniversaries or their children's birthday parties and keep on reporting until they are wheeled into surgery ...or delivery rooms.

Not making a list of "Top 25 Censored Stories" of this (or perhaps even next) year: This Rachel Maddow? On MSNBC? She's downright appealing! And, people have been watching...

Add two more Maddow profiles to the pile. From Marketwatch.com columnist Jon Friedman:

What has been the key to Maddow's early success? Much has been made in the media about her lesbianism, intellectual prowess (a Rhodes Scholar, she has an Oxford Ph. D.) and penchant to dress down in a way that would make Joan Rivers blanch. New York magazine's Jessica Pressler might have put it best, though. In a recent profile, she wrote of Maddow: "As one New York acolyte told me, 'She is more like one of my friends than anyone else on television.'"

Being fashionably late to the story having both benefits (you can quote other people's sources) and drawbacks (it's slim-pickings by then for a compelling lead, resulting in:"These days, the "M" in MSNBC might as well stand for Rachel Maddow.")

Also, Friedman can personally confirm Maddow's "star quality" because he was dining recently "in a Greenwich Village restaurant when word spread through the place that Maddow was seated a few tables away" and "even the jaded New Yorkers in the vicinity craned their necks to get a glimpse of her."

From Newsweek's contribution in the December 1 issue:

A funny, cerebral and likable young woman who reads graphic novels and hungers for political change is more representative of the times than the older, angrier male pundits who've dominated the debate for so long. Maddow is not angry—her fans find her adorable, often confessing to crushes on her...

More "adorable" fodder for fans:

Maddow was, according to her parents, a curious, serious child who never spoke baby talk. When her mother, Elaine, would walk into the kitchen to prepare breakfast, the 4-year-old Rachel would be perched on a stool, with her nightgown and bed socks on, reading the newspaper.

And:

A calm and focused Maddow is made up and wearing one of her identical pantsuits (she refuses to say who the designer is for fear of "insulting them").

Which leaves something (a challenge, perhaps) for any publication which has yet to write its Maddow report.

John Roberts Must Tie!

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So get ready to be outraged or baffled or otherwise scandalized. Last week, John Roberts, cohost of CNN's American Morning, read the news wearing a button-down shirt (top button: unbuttoned!), a snappy blazer suit jacket...and no tie.

Yes. I'll give you a moment to digest that shocking news. Take a seat, take a deep breath, whatever you need.

Anyhow, it seems the offense was perpetrated on Thursday morning. As follow-up, on Friday, American Morning devoted five minutes of air time to a segment entitled "TO TIE OR NOT TO TIE." Here's co-host Kiran Chetry, introducing it:

Loose from the noose! That was John Roberts yesterday, who shocked America by showing up here without a tie. And American Morning viewers definitely had an opinion. In fact, we got flooded by email from viewers. And you guys write to us all the time about things like gas prices, and the economy--but this? The tie-less John Roberts!

What followed was a sartorial circus the likes of which are rarely seen even on E! and Bravo, let alone CNN. Lola Oggunnaike interviewed various "tie experts"--at Barneys and Brooks Brothers and the like--to get the inside scoop on what Chetry called "the proper etiquette, these days, when it comes to ties." ("Are ties comfortable?" Oggunaike asked Genoysis CFO Keith Merrell, thrusting a microphone toward him, as George Michael's "Freedom" blared in the background.)

The whole thing was ridiculous. But it can be forgiven for that. Because it was also hilarious. In a way that I think--well, hope--was tongue-in-cheek.

"It certainly is a Friday," Chetry said, by way of explanation. It certainly was.



[h/t All Things CNN]

Mrs. Todd The Hot Tub Saleswoman

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Joe The Plumber? Meet Chuck Todd's Mom The Hot Tub Saleswoman. And she lives in a swing state, too.

On MSNBC this morning, Todd shared the following with his fellow Morning Joe regulars during a discussion of economy-inspired "fear on Main Street:"

TODD: My mother has a small business selling hot tubs. They haven't sold one. They can't sell any. Nobody is buying this stuff...

Which, I guess, qualifies as oversharing on Morning Joe, as Todd was razzed throughout the morning (Your Mama sells hot tubs-style).

LAWRENCE O'DONNELL: I'm still processing Chuck Todd's mother selling hot tubs.

TODD: This is one of those middle-of-the-road luxury items. First thing to go. She is a small business owner. It is a real-world example, you guys. No mocking. My mother. My mother.


O'DONNELL: No. I am just processing this. It tells me something. I'm not sure what.


MIKA BRZEZINSKI: Images come into your mind. I know it ...

Later in the morning, Time's Jay Carney got into it:

CARNEY: I'm in an ice box. I need a hot tub...


O'DONNELL: Hey, we know just the place. Chuck...


TODD: Please.


O'DONNELL: It's not going away, Chuck. It's not going away.


TODD: It's my mother...

Also joining the fun, by phone, was senior Obama adviser David Axelrod. Morning Joe's Mike Barnicle jokingly asked Axelrod if there was "any chance you and I coulld get a billion to buy the Cubs?"

Axelrod: I'm reserving that billion to revive the hot tub industry...


[Laughter all around]


TODD: They could use some stimulus down there. She lives in a swing district in the I-4 corridor, brother....


AXELROD: I heard before, Chuck, you were in the tank, but I didn't realize what they meant by it.

Right on Rubin

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Steven Pearlstein in the Washington Post points out that it's inexplicable that Robert Rubin hasn't had his reputation much more damaged by his association with Citigroup (not to mention with the deregulating that led to its downfall).

Although Rubin has been cagey about his role at Citigroup, what is indisputable is that all of the decisions that have led to Citi's recent troubles were taken while he was chairman of the executive committee and were made by executives whom he supported and with whom he worked closely day to day. He supported them when they were criticized, and as a director he approved compensation packages that rewarded them (and himself) handsomely for judgments that turned out to have been disastrous for the shareholders.

Now that Citi has stared into the abyss, I'm sure we'll see more damaging Rubin profiles.

And Pearlstein correctly calls out Obama for appointing a bunch of Rubin Lites to head his economic policy:

The ultimate irony, of course, is that just as Rubin & Co. at Citi were being bailed out by the Bush administration, President-elect Obama was getting set to announce a new economic team drawn almost entirely from Rubin acolytes...


But perhaps the next time Obama thinks about assembling a group of wise men to advise him on the economic crisis, he might consider leaving Rubin out of the mix. The accountability that Obama has promised to bring to economic policy should start at home.

Rubin was on board with Citi's funny accounting, too, which Jonathan Weil of Bloomberg spells out in detail here.

UPDATE: More on Rubin, from the Times, here.

Kurtz Lists Perino's Press Beefs

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The first half of this week's Howard Kurtz olumn in the Washington Post reads like a listing of White House press secretary Dana Perino's recent (and/or most memorable) beefs with reporters. One example (lest you think a lame duck administration's press secretary might be taking it easy in the final weeks):

On Thursday, she complained to CNN after anchor Rick Sanchez showed video of foreign leaders shaking hands with each other but not with Bush. "He seems like the most unpopular kid in high school that nobody liked, the one with the cooties," Sanchez said. Perino says the president had shaken hands with the leaders earlier. CNN says his show will air a clarification today.

Kurtz quotes Mark Knoller, White House reporter for CBS News, calling Perino "affable and amiable and pleasant" (although, Kurtz notes, "the White House has paid a price for her politeness" in that "confrontational briefings make news"). Also from Knoller: "The thing is, [Perino] doesn't hold grudges."

Oh, but Perino did feel

burned in July when Agence France Presse reported that she was "disappointed" by the International Olympic Committee's decision to ban Iraq from the summer games. Perino actually said she was disappointed for the Iraqi athletes. "It was like wildfire," Perino recalls. "How do you correct every single story once it's online?"

Also: Perino thinks, per Kurtz, that "the rise of the blogging culture has damaged journalism."

The Journal’s big story of the day pieces together what happened to Morgan Stanley a couple of months ago when it briefly looked like it was about to get swamped by the crisis.

It turns out that some of its key competitors were instrumental in furthering the panic around the firm.

Trading records reviewed by The Wall Street Journal now provide a partial answer. It turns out that some of the biggest names on Wall Street — Merrill Lynch & Co., Citigroup Inc., Deutsche Bank and UBS AG — were placing large bets against Morgan Stanley, the records indicate. They did so using complicated financial instruments called credit-default swaps, a form of insurance against losses on loans and bonds.

A close examination by the Journal of that trading also reveals that the swaps played a critical role in magnifying bearish sentiment about Morgan Stanley, in turn prompting traders to bet against the firm's stock by selling it short. The interplay between swaps trading and short selling accelerated the firm's downward spiral.

Now, all these firms say they were hedging against a Morgan Stanley collapse, which would have been a reasonable thing to do at the time. So it will be up to the folks with subpoena power to determine if any were illegally manipulating Morgan Stanley’s stock.

But in the meantime, pass the popcorn and watch as the Wall Street folks and the Greenwich guys tear at each other’s throats.

… Mr. Mack had made it clear that he intended to press regulators to rein in short sellers. When word about that got out, hedge-fund managers were up in arms. Some yanked business from Morgan Stanley, moving it to rivals including Credit Suisse, Deutsche Bank and J.P. Morgan…

Hedge-fund veteran Julian Robertson Jr. and James Chanos, a well-known short seller, both longtime Morgan Stanley clients, were both angry. Mr. Chanos says he "hit the roof" when he heard about Mr. Mack's memo.

After the stock market closed that day, Mr. Chanos decided that his hedge fund, Kynikos Associates, would pull more than $1 billion of its money from a Morgan Stanley account.

"It's one thing to complain, but another to put out a memo blaming your clients," says Mr. Chanos, who adds that the development all but ended a more-than-20-year relationship with Morgan Stanley...

But within days, more than three-quarters of Morgan Stanley's roughly 1,100 hedge-fund clients had put in requests to pull some or all of their assets from the firm, according to a person familiar with the operation. Even though most kept some money at the firm, Morgan Stanley couldn't process all the withdrawal requests at once, adding to market fear.

So much for relationship banking.

The Times on the Fall of Luxury

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The Times has a serviceable story on the problems in the luxury part of the economy, but I just want to point out the lede.

Gold was raining from above for luxury brands in the good old days of 2007.

Last December, the designer Marc Jacobs held his annual holiday party for 800 guests, including revelers from Vogue, W, and Harper’s Bazaar, in the Rainbow Room at Rockefeller Center. With the theme of Arabian Nights, Mr. Jacobs had arranged for tableaux vivants, contortionists, five open bars, bare-chested women bedecked in gold necklaces, bare-chested men balancing candelabras on their heads and, at one point, a shower of gold glitter poured over the guests.

That decadent scene is like stock footage of the last days of the empire. Check out the picture.

Alas, poor Mr. Jacobs had to cancel this year’s saturnalia, which must have come as a shock to the guest list.

Having covered retail real estate for a few years, I can tell you the luxury folks thought they were immune to downturns. But, um, nope. MasterCard reports luxury spending was down more than a fifth in October.

Hard to tell if that’s because the very rich can’t afford it anymore or if the excess is suddenly gauche.

It would have been really, really nice had the Daily Oklahoman given a few more details about suggestions made by the state’s insurance commissioner, Kim Holland, who wants to stick it to uninsured Oklahomans. The paper told us that, according to a survey by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, about one-third of the state's population is uninsured. Another survey done by Oklahoma’s Health Care Authority found that nearly 17 percent of residents, or close to 600,000 people, don’t have coverage. That’s a lot of folks any way you look at it. And most don’t have coverage because they can’t afford the high premiums in a state where the median family income is $40,709 and premiums for a good comprehensive family policy can run $12,000 or more.

Holland acknowledged it's unlikely that the state will require everyone to buy health insurance, but held out the proposition of “inducements” to penalize those who fail to insure themselves. Those aren’t very pleasant solutions, she says, but “there needs to be a consequence.” Her consequences are a variation of “no ticki, no shirti,” or, in this case, no “shirti, no ticki.” If the uninsured have season tickets to the Oklahoma and Oklahoma State football games, she wants to take them away—no more Boomer Sooner OK U for them. But it's unclear whether the loss of fifty-yard-line seats will get people to cough up several grand for health coverage. So Holland has other proposals—forfeiting lottery and gaming winnings, losing state tax deductions, and—get this—revoking licenses to hunt, fish, and drive a car. Maybe the uninsured can go without shooting pheasants, but driving a car? How are they supposed to get to work to earn money to pay insurance premiums? Then there are the penalties that eliminate in-state discounts for college tuition, which Holland has mentioned. Does she understand that penalty might make it harder for Oklahomans to go to college and perhaps improve their education, so they get higher-paying jobs to pay for the health insurance they will be required to buy?

“We have developed this culture over the years that some don’t feel like they have to pay their medical bills,” she said. Pretty strong stuff there—but the paper didn’t back it up. The paper did note, however, that state representative Kris Steele suggested Oklahoma to create a situation where people don’t have excuses for going without insurance. After that, he said, come the incentives.

All this suggests that the insurance commissioner and the state rep don’t understand family economics and budgets. But a good reporter at the The Daily Oklahoman should. It may be easier politically to penalize the poor and the near poor in the hope the country can eventually get to universal health coverage than to tell hospitals and insurance companies they can’t charge so much for care. The paper’s reporter should be pinning down the commissioner and reporting about this.

States are gearing up for new legislative sessions in January, and undoubtedly we will be treated to a new round of attempts to cover the uninsured. Last year’s efforts didn’t produce much, and the states, more strapped for cash than they were last year, probably won’t be able to do much now despite the rhetoric about personal responsibility and penalties and getting everyone a policy. Money problems bring desperation, and perhaps that’s why the insurance commissioner’s "no shirti, no ticki" plan deserves some careful media scrutiny.

The Daily Oklahoman’s coverage of the insurance commissioner and her pronouncements should be a how-to-not-do model for other news outlets tempted to report such “solutions” without context and critical evaluation. Context, context, context, please. And if the paper is worried that context veers too far from objective journalism, then the editorial page taking a look at the commissioner and her proposals.

Above the Fold: Down the Rabbit Hole

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With this morning's papers bringing news of the government's newest commitment of tens of billions of dollars to prop up Citicorp—its third major lurch towards socialism in three months—one fundamental question remains: How the hell did we get here?

The freshest answers come from this week's New Yorker, last week's NOW (PBS), and, especially, Deborah Amos's interview with Joe Nocera of The New York Times on Bill Moyers Journal (also PBS).

In The New Yorker, John Cassidy offers 12,000 words on the "Anatomy of A Meltdown" and Ben Bernanke's central role in this ongoing catastrophe. Cassidy finds a consensus that the decision to allow Lehman Brothers to fail was the worst one Bernanke and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson have made so far. French finance minister Christine Lagarde calls it a "horrendous" error, and Alan Blinder— "an old friend and former colleague of Bernanke's in the economics department at Princeton"—says "after the fact, it is extremely clear that everything fell apart on the day Lehman went under."

Bernanke, who didn't hesitate to stretch federal law to help merge Bear Stearns into J.P Morgan or pump more than $100 billion into AIG, insists there was no legal basis for the government to rescue Lehman. To which Dean Baker, of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, retorts, "They've been doing things of dubious legal authority all year. Who would have sued them?"

Other highlights of Cassidy's report:

- In the years preceding the current meltdown, Bernanke consistently argued that the Fed should "ignore bubbles and stick to its traditional policy of controlling inflation"—a position which Alan Greenspan agreed with.

- As late as 2004, Greenspan was still saying "a national housing bubble was unlikely."

- In 2005, Bernanke argued that the global economy’s main source of imbalance was not excess spending at home—which has created gigantic trade deficits for decades—but rather "excess saving in China and other developing countries."

- Also in 2005, Bernanke told the White House press corps "I think it is important to point out that house prices are being supported in very large part by very strong fundamentals."

- In 2006, he rejected calls for direct regulation of hedge funds because that would "stifle innovation."

- Stephen S. Roach, the chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, says "It is unconscionable that the Fed didn't really care about regulation, or didn't show any interest in it."

- At the beginning of 2007, Bernanke was still telling Congress that the housing downturn wasn't "a major factor" in assessing the "state of the economy."

- Bernanke tells Cassidy "the casual relationship between the housing problem and the broad financial system was very complex and difficult to predict."

The worst news from Roach of Morgan Stanley: "with Lehman, the system effectively broke down. It is now on life support from the Fed, but it's really touch and go whether they can hold it together...We may be on the verge of another collapse.”



WHILE CASSIDY SEEMED TO BE GIVING Bernanke something like a B-/C+ for his overall performance, over on Bill Moyers's show on PBS, Joe Nocera was giving Hank Paulson an unqualified "F."

Among Nocera's sharpest judgements in an interview with the indispensable Deborah Amos:

- "He has destroyed confidence in the Treasury Department."

- "The willingness of the federal government to let Lehman Brothers default in mid-September was the single worst mistake that it made."

- “I think the headline this week is ...'Government Throws in the Towel.'"

Then there is Paulson's unconscionable refusal to attack the root of the whole problem–the spiraling expansion of home mortgage foreclosures, despite the pleas of everyone from Congressman Barney Frank to FDIC chairman Sheila Bair.

"It's so hard to figure out," said Nocera, reflecting the general bafflement over Paulson's position:

Number one, as Barney Frank said, Mr. Secretary, it is explicit in the legislation that preventing foreclosures is one of the things this money is for, which he kind of keeps denying. Secondly, he makes this distinction between investing in the financial institutions, which he does call investing, and giving money to homeowners or doing something for homeowners, which he calls spending. In other words, he sees that as a government spending program. And he's opposed to that. But if you don't do something for homeowners, not only will it hurt the economy, it'll hurt neighborhoods. It'll hurt the next door neighbor. And by the way, it'll go all the way up the chain of Wall Street and you'll start to see the write offs all over again and the same problems all over again.



FINALLY, ON NOW, Maria Hinojosa focused on the executives who should be first in line for a twenty-first century guillotine–those wonderful men at Moody's and Standard and Poor's who performed what economist Joseph Stiglitz dubbed a modern version of medieval alchemy—converting lead into gold—by giving dozens and dozens of AAA ratings to paper that should have been treated like junk.

Mining many of the same sources Elliot Blair Smith used last September for two superb pieces for Bloomberg .com (here and here), Hinojosa did an excellent job of describing the rating agencies’ huge role in leading the whole economy down the drain.

The bottom line for all of us: we're a long, long way from the bottom of this mess.

A Billion Here, a Trillion There

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President-Elect Obama is proposing an enormous stimulus package to save us all from Great Depression II, but just how much will it cost?

The Washington Post and Bloomberg both say $700 billion, but The Wall Street Journal says $500 billion. Hey, what’s a couple hundred billion dollars between friends?

Actually, not to belittle our point, but Bloomberg, in another story, says the funds pledged by the government in the rescue—so far—total $7.4 trillion.

Here’s some amazing info:

The worst financial crisis in two generations has erased $23 trillion, or 38 percent, of the value of the world's companies and brought down three of the biggest Wall Street firms...


The money that’s been pledged is equivalent to $24,000 for every man, woman and child in the country. It’s nine times what the U.S. has spent so far on wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, according to Congressional Budget Office figures. It could pay off more than half the country’s mortgages.

And we’re still in a tailspin.

Traffic Jam

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Bucking trends, traffic for The Atlantic, Drudge, and HuffPo is actually up post-election, according to Nate Silver and Alexa. Everyone else--including The New York Times, The Washington Post, Fox News, and TPM--is down.

AP Lifts Military Photo Ban

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The Associated Press has lifted its week-old ban on using military-issued photographs after the Pentagon “assured the news cooperative that it would avoid distributing altered images to the news media,” the AP's Richard Lardner reported today. The organization has also revised its policy for dealing with photos retrieved from an external source, in order to ensure the “integrity of photos.” The current policy has been expanded to include the following instruction:

These images must be closely examined in Photoshop […] by at least two editors. If there’s any question about the integrity of an image, it won’t be used.

The previous standard for evaluating photos from outside sources, however, still stands:


On those occasions when we transmit images that have been provided and altered by a source – the faces obscured, for example – the caption must clearly explain it.

Geoff Morrell, a Pentagon press secretary, told Santiago Lyon, the AP’s director of photography, that the military branches would be reminded of a Department of Defense instruction that reads:

Anything that weakens or casts doubt on the credibility of official DOD imagery in or outside the Department of Defense shall not be tolerated.

This instruction, however, does not prohibit editing, enlarging, or cropping a photo to “improve its quality,” or any changes that are made for “security or privacy reasons.”

The ban resulted when the AP received a digitally altered photograph of General Ann E. Dunwoody, the Army's first female four-star general, who was promoted last Thursday. The Dunwoody alteration followed an infraction two months prior, when altered photos of two dead soldiers were released to the wire service.

Bob Owen, the deputy director of photography at the San Antonio Express-News who alerted the AP about the alterations each time, supports the measure.

“I think the AP has taken the necessary steps in setting up a procedure to check possible manipulated situations,” Owen said. “This is what they need to do. We’ll see if everyone can adhere to it, at least for the sake of our readers.”

White House, Gray Lady

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New York Times Washington Bureau Chief Dean Baquet has just named the paper's new White House team. It includes, as rumored, Peter Baker, Helene Cooper, Sheryl Stolberg, Ben Werschkul, and Jeff Zeleny.

Baquet revealed the assignments in a memo sent to staff earlier today; E&P has its text.

Michiko Kakutani seems to have taken a page from pal MoDo's playbook. And not, um, a good one. In today's Times, the feared-therefore-beloved/beloved-therefore-feared book critic reviews the latest effort, Deciding the Next Decider: The 2008 Presidential Race in Rhyme, from Calvin Trillin. Who is--had you heard?--not only a prolific New Yorker writer, but also The Nation's revered Deadline Poet (or, as he has it, "verse columnist").

You can almost hear the conversation:

DOWD: Hey, Michi, I heard you're reviewing Bud Trillin's new book. Isn't that, like, written in verse or something?
KAKUTANI: It sure is!
DOWD: Hey, you know what would be super clever and witty? If you write your review in verse!
KAKUTANI: But, MoDo, I don't know...I mean, I know that's something you'd do, but I'm not sure it's something I should. I mean, I know I've written reviews in characters' voices, and everything...but verse is something different. I don't know if I'd be any good at rhyming...
DOWD: Michi, take your doubt--and work it out! Don't question the impulse, just run with it!
KAKUTANI: Well, it's worked for you. I guess I could try it...

Yeah. Thus, below, the results of the Kakutani's efforts. Versed, or cursed? Judge for yourself:

In our nation’s hard times,
Trillin sought funny lines.
Some said he made mere frivolity
Out of real issues of polity.
But others toasted his wicked wit,
And gave him lots of Amazon hits.

And:

Now the poet’s turned to the ’08 election,
Skewering the candidates for our delectation.
There was Rudy, McCain, Huckabee and Romney,
Obama, Edwards, Dodd and, of course, Hillary.
All of them tracked from Iowa to New Hampshire,
In caucuses and primaries from Des Moines to
Manchester.

Um, as far as we're concerned: Sorry, Michi. We appreciate the creativity, and everything. But: while at rhyming you're not a slob, perhaps you shouldn't quit your day job.

Subscribe, Get Happy

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Some ready-made advertising copy for newspapers hoping to grow circulations:

Happy people spend a lot of time socializing, going to church and reading newspapers — but they don’t spend a lot of time watching television, a new study finds.

Such are the good news from John Robinson, a professor of sociology at the University of Maryland and the author of the study.

Let's hope papers as Prozac can save the industry.

She's Accepted! Sources Say!

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So it seems, my friends, that we have arrived at the final installment of the weeklong dramedy that has been When No Drama Meets Whoa, Drama: the Nomination of Hillary Clinton. The Times is reporting that Clinton has indeed accepted the president-elect's much-written about/much-leaked-about offer to become the nation's top diplomat.

Prepare, in the week ahead, for much more bipartisan hand-wringing about the power of "the Clintons," perhaps some pointed commentary on the choice from Samantha Power, and several extraneous references to Lincoln's Obama's Team of Rivals.

The 2008 presidential campaign found the political press embracing technology and interactivity like never before. (Or, at least, attempting to do so.) During the primaries, number-crunching delegate counters appeared on numerous news sites. Reporters and bloggers hopped on board the Twitter train while covering the Democratic and Republican national conventions. CNN’s color-coded “squiggly lines” tried to communicate how undecided voters were reacting in real time to the presidential debates. On election night, a holographic will.i.am showed up on CNN doing a body wave for Anderson Cooper.

Examine this smorgasbord of selections, and there emerges a mantra for the press: Don’t fetishize technology. We know it’s tempting to utilize gadgets for their own sake, particularly when you can (and/or feel you should). But as we saw throughout the election cycle, if technology didn’t help to make the journalism better, it didn’t quite matter what gadget, gizmo or pixel-magic was thrown into the pot: you ended up regretting the hologr—I mean, it.

What follows are some tech takeaways for the political press—reminders of why some stuff worked to great journalistic effect, and why other, more misguided attempts didn’t. Many of these takeaways are obvious, but perhaps in the examination process we can deduce how technology can best serve journalism, instead of the other way around.

Technology helped readers—and reporters—understand complicated issues

During the excruciatingly long Democratic primary, delegate counters popped up everywhere, from Forbes.com to the NYT to CNN. The Washington Post, for instance, featured an interactive delegate timeline based on AP data; hit play and the timeline showed how and when each candidate’s delegate counts evolved. Slate’s delegate counter was useful, allowing readers to calculate what it would take for either of the Democratic candidates to win the nomination. The delegate counters distilled difficult concepts, filtering a massive amount of information and presenting it simply, in a manner that contextualized and demystified the numbers in play.

At its best, interactive technology was used to explain and enhance understanding of complex stories—and readers and viewers were likely to appreciate the effort. The Los Angeles Times’s Web site ran a series of detailed interactive graphics about Proposition 8, the California ballot initiative to ban same-sex marriage, which narrowly passed. One graphic tracked funding by county (it was the nation’s costliest ballot initiative); another compared the Proposition 22 vote in 2000 (the last time same-sex marriage was on the state ballot) with the Proposition 8 vote—again by county. The LAT used the interactive graphic to begin to gesture towards a holistic picture of a topic that was sure to remain in the news even after the election—not only of coastal vs. inland voting differences, but of where the heaviest funding operated.

Nancy Scola, associate editor at TechPresident and sometime CJR contributor, says she was glad to see that, even after the election, “they still really dug into it. Sometimes we have these elections that say a lot about the country, but we never reflect on them in any meaningful kind of way.” The LAT put a premium on interpreting the numbers even after the election, and that, Scola thinks, was commendable.

There were, of course, also less effective examples of using technology to go deep. Slate’s Map the Candidates was a fun concept halfway botched by an overly intricate execution. Readers could track where the candidates were on any given day or week; Slate described it as a tool to “follow their campaigns virtually, and even find trends in their movements.” But it was frustrating to use: a cluttered presentation—symbols distinguishing between the parties (circles for the Democrats, stars for the Republicans), the candidates (blue and red for Obama, blue for McCain, yellow for the VPs), and their wives (pink)—and an overwhelming amount of supplementary information (articles and video clips) made for a visual cacophony. The idea (where are the candidates, and when?) was good, but the distractingly link-heavy Google maps format made it difficult to actually use it as a tool. In other words, even when utilizing technology to present news consumers with deeper portraits or patterns, simplicity can be a virtue.

If a gadget’s point wasn’t immediately clear, chances are it would distract rather than enhance

Everybody who watched the presidential debates remembers CNN’s foray into undecided voter dial-testing—otherwise known as the “squiggly lines” and “worms” that appeared at the bottom of the TV screen. The lines moved according to the feelings of a small group of dial-wielding undecided Ohioans watching the debate together in a room. The methodology was confusing: the undecided voters were told to turn the dial according to their positive and negative responses to the debate, but were left alone to decide what constituted positive or negative. The presentation was equally confusing: there was no standard against which to measure the undecided voters’ reactions, no labeled axes or plot points, and no explanation of how they should be read.

Sam Boyd at The American Prospect, in a thorough post about the graph, noted that it was best thought of as what CNN’s election-coverage producer David Bohrman described as “not unlike hearing the crowd cheering or booing.” But because it was unclear whether it was diversionary or instructive, it ultimately just became a distraction.

CNN seemed determined to corner the market on distracting, purposeless election technology. On election night, holographic correspondents Jessica Yellin and will.i.am shimmered in front of Wolf Blitzer and Anderson Cooper, in scenes reminiscent of Star Wars (both the movie and the bloated, expensive government program). Yellin talked about the crowd in Grant Park, while will.i.am. discussed his “Yes we can” video in support of Obama; their appearances as holograms, rather than, say, via video feeds, seemed arbitrary and meaningless. While CNN hyped its holograms as a more intimate way of bringing the correspondents into the studio, the anticipatory chatter was lively for a different reason—less “CNN wants to advance the way we communicate news” and more “whoa, CNN is doing what???

The Chicago Tribune estimated that the gimmick cost $300,000 to $400,000. And, ratings-wise, it was worth the expense. As Lisa de Moraes reported in The Washington Post:

CNN's 13.3 million viewers, garnered between the start of prime time at 8 and the end of President-elect Obama's speech at about 12:30 a.m., is not only the biggest audience in the cable net's 28-year history but also marks the first time the cable news network made a clean sweep of all the broadcast and cable networks on election night. Its closest competitor, ABC, logged 12.5 million in those same hours. NBC and CBS lagged with 12 million and 7.5 million, respectively.

CNN’s bid to be election night’s technological frontrunner was, in that sense, successful. But it’s clear (and unfortunate) that the Princess-Leiafication of the evening was a blatant and extravagant way to boost ratings and garner attention—all without adding anything of substance to the broadcast.

According to Ramesh Raskar, an associate professor of media arts and sciences at MIT and a researcher at its Media Lab (he heads its Camera Culture research group), one of the more exciting aspects of this type of holographic technology is that “it allows viewers to be closer and closer to the event.” Raskar says the technical aspects of the hologram pleased him, but notes that he was “disappointed by its being used to essentially disengage [the correspondent, Jessica Yellin] in Chicago from the audience around her,” and wishes that CNN would have used the technology to actually allow viewers to get a better impression of the crowd. “If you think about all the YouTube videos you have of people running into Grant Park and cheering and responding to the speech, I think that needed to be brought in with this sort of transporting technology,” he says. In its quest to incorporate high-tech gadgetry into its broadcast (some of it very good), CNN dropped the ball on questioning why and how it was using some of it.

It’s not just about holograms and Magic Walls

As soon as she got her own show on MSNBC, Rachel Maddow immediately got a Twitter account to alert her viewers to guest line-ups, and made podcasts of the show available on iTunes, where they have regularly been among the most downloaded. (Twitter is a micro-blogging platform that restricts its post length to 140 characters or less—about a line or two of text.) Twitter and podcasts may not be as flashy as a hologram, but, used well by journalists, they can help create a community of loyal and informed viewers.

During the campaign, reporters and bloggers used Twitter to broadcast their immediate impressions of various big ticket events—the conventions, for instance, or the debates. At its best, Twitter is unparalleled as a mode of collecting and dispersing information concisely and efficiently. On the other hand, some journalists developed a decidedly looser Twitter finger: Rachel Sklar, until recently of The Huffington Post, has used Twitter, like many others, for just about everything, from political commentary to airport observations to the random note that Eric Holder has a sexy mustache (“I wonder if Axelrod is jealous”). While the randomness is theoretically refreshing, the frequent and disparate nature of the Tweets can also make the relay of knowledge, when it comes, feel congested. The novelty was in the form, but often, there was little added value beyond that.

Nancy Scola says that “[Twitter’s] not overly useful at a national level” because a countrywide network of Tweeters tends to be too diffused to be effective. But she thinks it has more promise with “local papers, local press”—in Missouri, for example, where TechPresident, in conjunction with a local TV station, used Twitter on election day “to track what was happening in local precincts.”

NPR also joined the effort (called Twitter Vote Report), with its Andy Carvin saying on Weekend Edition: “We only have so many reporters who are able to tackle voting irregularities, and they're going to be working like mad…[Twitter Vote Report is] a way of spreading the workload out.” These efforts were still somewhat constrained by the tool itself: as a crowd-perpetuated technology, Twitter’s success, even on a local level, requires that a larger percentage of the general American public know what Twitter is and how to access it. While that’s completely achievable, it’s also clear that it will take more time for that to happen.

You still need a good reporter

CNN’s Magic Wall, the tactile multi-screen electoral map that reporter John King employed on election night, worked because King knew how to use it. Watching him zoom in to view results from Lake County, Ohio, without a break in his analysis, it was clear that he had practiced, and was comfortable with using the touch-screen technology; there were no extra movements, fumbles, or showy uses of the map.

Check out Saturday Night Live’s popular spoof of a reporter using CNN’s Magic Wall merely to show off what it could do. (The state of Oregon ended up in the ocean.) Jeff Han, the creator of the Magic Wall, noted in a recent interview with CNET that he wants all new clients to see the SNL skit, which he said relays the message that technology is just a tool, and that what matters is how it is used. “In the wrong hands, it doesn't work,” he told CNET.

The implication, of course, was that technology is only as good as the reporter using it. The NYT article about King’s use of the Magic Wall detailed how his days as an AP reporter helped him to understand the information presented by the Magic Wall. “You can use this new technology to look at politics the old-fashioned way, which is: who’s finding their people and turning them out?” King told the NYT. MIT’s Raskar describes the press’s hi-tech opportunities as “new containers.” “Technology is providing a new container,” he says. “What the content should be inside that container is really up to the journalist.” In other words, it was always—and should remain—about John King telling the story; the map was the glorified help.

Do what you’re good at

The NYT’s Word Train feature, which asked people to submit a single word that described how they felt before and on election day, seemed like a silly use of space, especially considering that people (including the clever folks at The Economist) started entering random words—like “sassy”—to make the results more funny.

Similarly, the NYT’s more recent pick-an-Obama-cabinet feature asked readers to vote for their preferred candidates for Obama’s cabinet. (Bill Richardson is currently the top pick for Secretary of State.) While they may be entertaining, these features are essentially mindless, and don’t add much value. If what the NYT offers its readers most exclusively, in print and online, are the fruits of access and the staff and experience to regularly feature deep analysis—exactly the things that smaller or less established news organizations can’t always provide—its Web space should reflect those strengths and implement interactivity in ways that most enhance them.

That said, experimentation shouldn’t be anathema. Looking at any assessment of how well things worked, or didn’t, it sometimes seems like the message is that “trying out” some new-fangled idea is bound to end in a display of inefficiency, no match for traditional deep reporting. But that’s not quite fair. Using untested technology is bound to lead to some flaws or flubs. MIT’s Raskar asks for news consumers’ patience: “Things that are being ridiculed right now mostly because of its novelty will become commonplace in just a few years.” And Scola says that because Twitter is “still in its infancy,” it’s simply too early to tell how it will be used most effectively. (She mentions a botched attempt to incorporate Second Life—the free virtual 3D world where users can interact—into politics as an example of failed experimentation. “There were signs at the time that Second Life wasn’t going to have legs in politics long term,” she says with a laugh. “But with any of these things, they’re free or inexpensive, so you make the calculation that it’s worth the time and energy to use them.”)

Ideally, technology should serve one of two purposes: it should help the reporter do his or her job, or it should help the news consumer digest the news. At its best, it can stimulate all kinds of news consumers, from those who want simple visual explanations for complicated events, to those who want to go deep into the numbers that drive the news. There are all manner of technological “containers” that the press can utilize to do these things; the key thing is not to fetishize these new vehicles for their novelty, but instead to use them to enhance the content that’s inside.

Extra-Censory Perception

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Project Censored has released its annual (and forward-looking) list of the "Top 25 Censored Stories for 2009." Among them:

#6 The Homegrown Terrorism Prevention Act
#11 El Salvador’s Water Privatization and the Global War on Terror
#20 Marijuana Arrests Set New Record

Some of the list are obvious ("#9: Iraq and Afghanistan Vets Testify"), and some are of questionable merit ("#24: Japan Questions 9/11 and the Global War on Terror"). But the spirit behind the list is a good one: It's always worth remembering that media criticism is about not only critiquing the coverage we have, but also pointing out the coverage we don't.

Copy Editors to the World: Teehee!

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So. A brief vocabulary lesson. A dingleberry, for those of you who didn't grow up on a farm, is--and I quote the OED--"dried faecal matter attached to the hair around the anus," usually (one hopes) in reference to animals. (Other, less common uses, per the same: "a fool, a stupid person (slang)"; "the female breasts (slang)"; and "a cranberry, Vaccinium erythrocarpum, of the south-eastern U.S.") The term, save for the cranberry species--and it should probably go without saying--tends to be used pejoratively.

With all that said: below are some of the headlines announcing the ouster of House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman John Dingell, yesterday morning, in favor of the committee's second-ranking member, Henry Waxman--a move that, as Roll Call has it, "marks a stunning rebuke of the seniority system that Democrats have honored for decades."

-Slate: "Dingell Buried"
-Grist: "Dingell, Buried"
-NBC Chicago: "Dingell Buried by Waxman"
-MSNBC's First Read: "Dingell gets buried"

Hilarious, guys! You. Are. All. So. Clever!

Now, I'm all for cheesy puns, and everything. But, you know, come on.

Politico: "We'll Do It Live"

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Politico's editors and reporters (bloggers included) are dissecting Election '08 at a conference at USC today. Watch it live, here.

Hey, politics junkies! Are you going through campaign withdrawal? Do you find yourself, in the quiet moments of the day, longing for Contessa Brewer to interrupt her news-reading with a "Breaking Campaign Trail Alert"? Do you find your index finger, without your brain telling it do so, clicking on your RealClearPolitics bookmark, its reflex rendered pointless when you remember that the site's "Latest Polls" section was replaced with unchanging "National Results" breakdowns long ago? Do you find yourself thinking that maybe that whole "lipstick on a big" controversy wasn't so much a symptom of our capacity for inane distractions as a spirited debate that harkens to a better, simpler, more exciting time in our political past?

If so--and, oh, do we feel your pain--then take your sorry self over to the Web site of the Minneapolis Star-Tribune, which is covering the ongoing Coleman/Franken electoral drama...in multimedia! With interactive electoral maps! And recount videos! And everything!

Aaaahhhhh....like Nicoderm for election withdrawal. Minnesota's Senate recount will go on indefinitely--until each of the state's counties has counted its ballots by hand--but here's hoping that, by the time it's over, we'll have fully overcome our withdrawal symptoms. Or found another vestige of campaign drama to feed the addiction.

Blog Gridlock!

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The eminently quotable Michael Kinsley has a nice piece, in this week's Time, about blog gridlock (a topic we explore in detail, by the way, in the current issue of the magazine). Among Kinsley's Potent Quotables:

But aggregation has become a hall of mirrors. "Did you see Romenesko this morning? Yeah, very interesting. He's got a link to a piece in LA Observed that links to a column on the London Times website where this guy says that a Russian blogger is saying that Obama will make Sarah Palin Secretary of State."

"Wow. Sounds true. Where did the Russian guy get it?"

"He says it was in Romenesko."

And:

The opportunity for us all to express an opinion is wonderful. Having to read all those opinions isn't. In 2004 there were probably still more people reading blogs than writing them. Not so now, or so it seems.

And:

The great thing about blogs, in my view, is that they share the voice of e-mail. It's a genuinely new literary form, which, at its best, combines the immediacy of talking with the reflectiveness of writing. But many readers may be reaching the point with blogs and websites that I reached long ago with the Sunday New York Times Magazine--actively hoping there isn't anything interesting in there because then I'll have to take the time to read it.

Salon Rakes the Muck

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Last month, Salon published an article investigating the deaths of Army Pfc. Albert Nelson and Pfc. Roger Suarez, two soldiers serving in Iraq. The Army attributed their deaths to enemy action; Mark Benjamin's Salon report, which included graphic battle video (footage from a helmet-cam) and eyewitness testimony, suggested that the soldiers' deaths were likely caused by friendly fire.

Now, Benjamin is reporting that the Army's cover-up went even further.

The article about the alleged friendly fire incident was long overdue for some of the men who fought in Ramadi that day for the Army's Fort Carson-based D Company, 1st Battalion, 9th Infantry, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division. Many continue to insist privately that a U.S. tank killed their friends.

But for their superior officers, the publication of the article was a problem to be solved. On the morning of Oct. 14, battalion leaders held an emergency meeting in response to the Salon article. The sergeant in charge of 2nd Platoon, Nelson and Suarez's platoon, had a pointed confrontation with at least one of his men in a vain search for the source that leaked the Ramadi video to Salon. Soldiers were told to keep quiet from then on.

The article goes on to detail orders allegedly given to Pvt. Albert "Doc" Mitchum and Pvt. Charles Kremling to shred two Xerox boxes' worth of documents concerning the deaths of Nelson and Suarez.

"Friendly Fire" is an important investigation, and one that's well-written and well-realized, as well: kudos to Benjamin, and to Salon.

Is This Where We Are?

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Wednesday night, Abraham Biggs, a 19-year-old Florida resident, overdosed on a toxic combination of benzodiazepine, a depressant used to treat insomnia, and opiates, killing himself. He did so in front of a live Web audience--some of whom, apparently, were "encouraging him" to go forward with the suicide.

"People were egging him on and saying things like 'go ahead and do it, faggot,' Wendy Crane, an investigator at the Broward County Medical Examiner's office, told ABC News.

This isn't the first time that suicides have been committed on webcam, apparently with encouragement from live viewers--a British man hanged himself last year after allegedly being goaded to do so by fellow users on Paltalk, another live video site. Still, absent from some of today's descriptions of Biggs's death-casting is a sense of disgust about this particularly insidious strain of voyeurism. NewTeeVee, an online-video industry publication, called Biggs's suicide "a striking display of the power of live video."

I'd call it something else.

On November 19, The New Yorker's Jane Mayer and The New York Times's Andrew C. Revkin were presented with the John Chancellor Award for Excellence in Journalism and spoke at Columbia's Graduate School of Journalism.

Mayer was honored for her reporting on the use of torture by the Bush administration. (Two examples of her excellent work can be seen here and here.) Revkin was awarded for his coverage of climate change. (In addition to his Times articles, he also runs the lively and informative Dot Earth Blog.

In her talk, Mayer emphasized the importance of developing strong relationships with sources and finding innovative strategies for reporting on topics shrouded in secrecy. For his part, Revkin encouraged journalists to think of scientific knowledge as an advancing and evolving set of ideas.

Listen to the full lecture here.

Everything Old Is New Again

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Just over two months ago, shares of UAL, the parent company of United Airlines, fell by as much as 76 percent. The root cause of the drop in price was a Chicago Tribune article published on the website of Florida’s Sun-Sentinel that reported United was filing for bankruptcy. Eventually, the story found its way onto Google News, where it was cited by an analyst firm in a news alert. That alert was subsequently picked up and distributed by Bloomberg. Then the sell-off of September 8 began.

There was one major problem with the story: it was from 2002. United wasn’t going into bankruptcy.

The Sun-Sentinel soon admitted that a story from its archives had mistakenly been republished to its Web site without including the original 2002 date. This caused the article to top the site’s "Popular Stories Business: Most Viewed" list. (You can view a screenshot of the story here.) The paper blamed Google News for treating the story as new, which was what caused the Googling analyst at Income Securities Advisors to do the same. Bloomberg was also chastised for distributing “content provided by non-journalist sources -- such as Income Securities Advisors -- without having an editor vet the material first…”

Erroneous reports can be easily distributed (and re-distributed) in the Internet age. Corrections from this week also show that’s it’s common to see an old story make headlines years after the fact.

This week the Associated Press issued a correction after a story about layoffs at Citigroup cited IBM as another example of a company shedding jobs. Unfortunately, IBM’s record cuts happened back in 1993. MSNBC.com carried the initial report and followed up with this correction:

An Associated Press story about Citigroup layoffs published Nov. 18 erroneously said IBM Corp. cut 60,000 jobs in July. The record cut by IBM was in July 1993. IBM has had no mass layoffs this year. The corrected story has been republished.

The same scenario played out with the AP and MSNBC.com back in 2005:

On June 28, we published a story with the headline “U.S. cybersecurity chief abruptly resigns.” The resignation of Amit Yoran occurred in October 2004 and we inadvertently republished an Associated Press report on the resignation.

This week also saw another example of the “everything old is new again” phenomenon. Here’s a correction from the The Avalanche-Journal of Lubbock, Texas:

Thursday’s edition of The Avalanche-Journal contained one-year-old obituaries, which were inadvertently reprinted.

We are taking steps to ensure that this mistake does not occur again.

The A-J deeply regrets any inconvenience our error may have caused for the families of the persons’ obituaries that were to have appeared on Thursday.

We also sincerely regret the renewed grief that may have been experienced by those whose loved ones died a year ago.

An archive is a wonderful thing. But archives without proper controls are a correction—or sell-off—waiting to happen.

Correction of the Week

“In a Nov. 14 story about German Green Party politician Cem Ozdemir, The Associated Press incorrectly reported an anecdote that he uses to illustrate a cultural difference between Germans and Turks.

In the anecdote, Ozdemir recounts entering a sauna in Turkey to find a group of naked German men. He starts talking to them and loosens his towel in accordance with German custom. When an older German-Turkish man enters wearing a towel, as is Turkish custom, Ozdemir said he put his towel back. After he put his towel back on, the man told Ozdemir that he had been right to follow German custom.

The AP story erroneously quoted Ozdemir as having said that the incident involved a naked German woman walking into the sauna.” – Associated Press

Apologies of the Week

“In our edition of October 29, The Melbourne Times front cover was a digitally altered photograph depicting an aeroplane flying towards the Rialto Towers. The picture used was not an actual photograph of an aeroplane in the vicinity of any building, but rather, an image that had been digitally altered. Normally, when digitally altered pictures are used, The Melbourne Times acknowledges this. This time, a production error meant the acknowledgement did not appear. The Melbourne Times also accepts that the image may have caused some distress or anxiety among readers who may have assumed that the Rialto Towers had been, or were likely to be, the subject of a terrorist attack. This is not true. The Melbourne Times apologises for any distress that use of the image may have caused. The image will not be used again.” – Melbourne Times

“On the first page of the Business section of Sunday’s Post-Gazette we printed an article about Stanley Druckenmiller and his company Duquesne Capital Management. The article included headlines that suggested that the funds which Mr. Druckenmiller and Duquesne Capital manage had suffered significant losses and that Mr. Druckenmiller had been “sacked” and “took it on the chin” in the financial markets. Unfortunately, the author of the article did not check the accuracy of the facts with Mr. Druckenmiller or Duquesne Capital. According to Mr. Druckenmiller and other published reports, all of the funds managed by him and that organization have had positive returns for the year. In addition, the headlines that accompanied the story were, in hindsight, misleading and did not reflect the more qualified points made in the story itself. Simply put, we did not adhere to our own standards. We sincerely apologize to Mr. Druckenmiller and Duquesne Capital for these lapses.” – Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Parting Shot

“In a Nov. 6 story about AC/DC, the Associated Press erroneously quoted producer Brendan O’Brien as saying the band’s music was aggressive in a way that’s catchy and ‘hokey.’ The word he actually used was ‘hooky,’ which is music-industry parlance for a song full of irresistible refrains, or ‘hooks.’” – Associated Press

Blame It on the Black Star

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Remember the, um, slightly ironic biography PublicAffairs released last year? The one about disgraced president Richard Nixon, written by disgraced media baron Conrad Black?

Well, looks like the research Black did for Richard Nixon: A Life in Full may turn out to be useful to him: The Globe and Mail is reporting that the controversial Canadian--who, convicted of fraud in 2007, began serving a six-and-a-half-year prison sentence in March--will go back on his earlier word and ask President Bush to commute his sentence.

WSJ on the Liver Merchants

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The Wall Street Journal has yet another good story in its series on nonprofit hospitals acting like for-profit companies. This one's nasty: The University of Pittsburgh Medical Center cut corners to crank out liver transplants.

A surgeon it hired to boost volume used livers from older people and performed lots of transplants on people who were ranked low on a test that predicts the likelihood of a transplant's success. All to support this:

UPMC is a nonprofit hospital system whose income is largely exempt from taxes. Yet, it is increasingly run like a for-profit company, paying its executives high salaries, jumping into new activities and expanding abroad. Its quest to ramp up its transplant business shows how a drive for higher revenue, now common at nonprofit hospitals, could risk compromising patient care...

Even though three-quarters of its $7 billion in annual revenue is exempt from federal and local taxes, UPMC has acquired many of the trappings of large, for-profit corporations.

Its chief executive, Jeffrey Romoff, earned $4 million in the fiscal year ended June 30, 2007, and 13 other employees earned in the roughly $1 million to $2 million range. For their transportation, UPMC leases a corporate jet. Earlier this year, UPMC relocated its headquarters into Pittsburgh's tallest skyscraper, the 62-story U.S. Steel Tower.

The transplant program is a source of both profits and prestige that UPMC leverages to attract star doctors and build its other businesses, which include a health-insurance arm. Hospitals charge $400,000 to $500,000 for a liver transplant. UPMC's transplant program produced $130 million of revenue in its latest fiscal year.

Great reporting by the Journal. This is a Pulitzer-worthy series.

Audit Interview: John Ryan

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Many in the press believe they did a great job covering predatory mortgage lenders and their Wall Street partners in the run-up to the current credit calamity.

Us, we’re not so sure.

One person who tends to agree with our view is John Ryan, executive vice president at the Conference of State Bank Supervisors. During the bad old days of the mortgage mania, Ryan spent hours on the phone with reporters trying to sell them on the story of how lenders, Wall Street and captive federal regulators steamrollered state attempts to slow down the lending train before it wrecked.

The Audit talked to him recently about his experiences with the press and his impressions of the coverage. It was instructive, to say the least. Ryan applauded a Wall Street Journal story by Jess Bravin and Paul Beckett in January 2002 called “Friendly Watchdog: Federal Regulator Often Helps Banks Fighting Consumers", but said the press mostly expressed no interest in what state regulators were trying to say.

The Bold and the Bootyful

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Jon Stewart and "senior anti-piracy correspondent" John Oliver poke fun at the media's, er, ARRRsenal of inane pirate puns in their treatment of the very real--and very big--Somali pirate problem. "Yes," Stewart said, "the world is seeing a boom in non-Johnny Depp-related piracy."



Dept of Bizarre Gigs

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Apparently, Ani diFranco did an impromptu set yesterday...at the Wall Street Journal newsroom. Gawker has the bizarro details of the lefty, anti-corporate folk singer's performance, which apparently was given to editorial staff "right before deadline":

DiFranco played a song about Barack Obama! Also, something off her newest album....It's not clear how large DiFranco's audience was or where, exactly, her performance took place, but newsroom staff could hear it.

As WSJ business reporter Mary Pilon Twittered, "Ani DiFranco at the wsj right now. Weird time to be a biz reporter."

Which...um, yes.

Sulzbergers Face the Dividend Music

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The New York Times Company finally faced up to reality yesterday and slashed its dividend. It’s something it should have done long ago, but it’s better late than never.

Just last year, the Times raised its dividend by about a third even as its financial situation continued to deteriorate. I wrote this in July in a column about the baffling staying power of newspaper-industry dividends:

The struggling New York Times Company, which like everyone else has taken the ax to its news staff, dropped $125 million in “excess” cash on its investors last year. That surely would have made a difference in its newsroom, which has a budget of some $200 million.

While the Times didn’t eliminate the dividend as it should have, it did cut it 74 percent, which will save $98 million a year. A tip of the hat to Richard Perez-Pena for good coverage of his own firm:

The cut reverses a years-long pattern of regular increases, even as the share price fell. In the spring of 2007, the board raised the dividend to 23 cents, from 17.5 cents, a move that many analysts said was unwise in light of the sharp downturn in the newspaper industry.

He reports the stock is down 89 percent from its peak in 2002, and he points out that the dividends help support the Sulzberger clan, which is surely why it took so long to cut it.

To put that in context, check out the good reporting from Joe Hagan in New York last month:

In order to keep the family—and shareholders—happier in these lean financial times, Sulzberger has quietly ramped up the amount of cash they receive in a quarterly cash dividend. This, more than the sale of stock, is the source of the Ochs-Sulzbergers’ working wealth. Sulzberger and CEO Janet Robinson raised the dividend by an extraordinary 31 percent last year—even as the stock price declined. Of the $132 million a year the paper gives to shareholders, about $25 million of it now goes directly into the coffers of the Ochs-Sulzberger trusts.

But the payoff exacts a harsh price: The company is going deeper into debt to pay the high-yield dividend. In the last four quarters, the paper has made less money than it has paid in dividends…

You just can’t run a business like it’s your personal piggy bank, as Dow Jones' Bancrofts found out.

That the Times Company is finally figuring that out is good news for it and for the Times. Now for the rest of the industry, I’ll rerun what I said this summer:

Why pay dividends at all? After all, newspapers are not and probably never will be again the monopolistic cash machines of yesteryear. They’re hardly in the “widows and orphans” stocks class anymore with predictable cash streams like utilities or, cough, banks...

Whatever, newspapers ought to end or at the very least severely curtail their dividends—and put the cash to more creative use.

So yesterday was Chris Matthews's much-anticipated appearance on Ellen. Anticipated, of course, not for the interview, but for the dancing. Would there be awkwardness? Would there be falling? Would there be groping?

Nope. It was pretty tame--and good-natured. "You know how much I admire you and love you," Ellen told a bashful Matthews (after suggesting that the two enter, together, Dancing with the Stars). "But we've had so much fun with this, and the audience has loved it, so thank you for being a good sport. You're a really good man."


Look Out Below!

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The brief recovery in the credit markets caused by the government bailout is officially history.

The Journal continues its good coverage of the commercial mortgage-backed securities market, which has cratered in the last few days and is now pricing in Armageddon.

The default rate on commercial mortgages remains near its historical low, although it is increasing. Overall, the number of commercial mortgages packaged into securities that are 30 days or more past due rose to 0.64% in October from 0.39% at the end of last year. That is the highest delinquency rate in two years but still far from the kind of carnage that occurred during the commercial real-estate collapse of the early 1990s. Back then the cumulative default rate on loans made in 1986 reached 36%.

The trading levels of CMBS bonds imply a cumulative loss rate of as much as 40% on top-rated bonds, which means that at least 70% of the underlying loan pool would have to go into default, said Richard Parkus, head of CMBS research at Deutsche Bank Securities Inc. But he, like other market observers, views that as an unlikely scenario.

Some investors believe low trading volume is a factor. "There's very, very little volume that is trading and some forced sellers in small volume are just causing spreads to widen out," said Robert Kapito, president of BlackRock Inc., a money-management firm.

The NYT, in a nice overview story, puts Armageddon in context:

“Where the credit markets are trading, it’s all but implying a 1929 scenario,” said Joe Balestrino, fixed income strategist at Federated Investors, who added that he thought prices had fallen too far in many cases.
.

The LA Times (justifiably) hauls out the Crash adjectives:

An intensifying panic has gripped the stock market, sending share prices to new depths and leaving investors afraid that they'll never be able to recoup their losses.

The latest teeth-gnashing plunge Thursday virtually wiped out the remaining gains from the five-year bull market that began in 2002.

Let's play Find the Crash Words in the LAT story: thrashed, battered, misery, plummeted, dive, plunged, dark, grim, "sharpest decline since the Great Depression", brutal, sell-at-any-cost, "feverish collapse", staggering, wiped out, torrent, slashed, severe.

You think they're trying to tell us something?

Somebody's Wrong on Citi

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The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times both have scoops this morning on what Citi is planning to do about its plunging fortunes. Problem is, their scoops are diametrically opposed—one paper’s got to be wrong here.

The WSJ reports that Citigroup is considering selling the company or splitting itself up:

Executives at Citigroup Inc., faced with a plunging stock price, began weighing the possibility of auctioning off pieces of the financial giant or even selling the company outright, according to people familiar with the matter.

The NYT reports that Citigroup is not considering selling the company or splitting itself up:

Citigroup executives are seeking to stabilize the stock price, but at this point they are not actively exploring selling or splitting up the company, according to two people with direct knowledge of the discussions.

We’ll see, but I’d go with the Journal here. Citi’s got to do something. The stock is in free-fall, having lost more than half its value in five days. Here’s why:

Weighing down the shares has been the Treasury Department's decision last week not to buy troubled assets from banks. Citigroup's balance sheet includes battered securities and loans that many investors hoped could be offloaded to the government.

Brian Lehrer on Crowdsourcing

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Another note from the Consumer Revolution conference: Brian Lehrer, of New York City's public-radio station, WNYC, spoke about his station's use of crowdsourcing, or public journalism. (For more on the method, see Lehrer's most famous crowd-sourcing experiment, "Are You Being Gouged?") Crowd-sourcing is only one example of the trend toward professional-amateur hybrids we're seeing right now: in order for group journalism to be valuable, it generally has to be monitored--aggregated, curated, synthesized, and, importantly, fact-checked--by an editorial entity. And group journalism will only be as good as the question it asks, Lehrer believes. "The holy grail for us is the right question that's going to lead to action on the part of our listeners," he said. And "the more integrated the process, obviously, the better."

Another note from the Consumer Revolution conference: John Darnton, a forty-year veteran of The New York Times, has his doubts about the much-heralded economic-modeling potential of VoiceofSanDiego.org and similar "watchdog" Web sites: "It's like finding life on other planets," he said. "Yes, there may be a few planets that have the special chemical agreements to make them occur"--in VoiceofSanDiego's case, veteran columnists and funders with deep pockets--but such confluence of circumstances is more a matter of serendipity than sustainability, Darnton says.

Hope Dies Last

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I wasn't even twenty-five years old and I was working for the New York Daily News. All of my friends and family called me their "big-time reporter." Except at that moment, I was the big-time New York reporter crying in a bathroom stall, thinking, "I hate this." If this was what it’s like at the “top,” why had I worked so hard to get here?

It was a weird thought because I was living my dream. I had been living and breathing journalism since high school; I loved writing, telling stories, and talking to different people. I found joy in writing for my high school's barely-there newspaper. I worked myself ragged as a writer and sports editor of NYU's student paper, but I loved every minute of it. Sometimes I still can't believe I did all of that for free, yet when I got the chance to do it for a top paper for a good salary, I didn't want to do it at all.

Was it because of the newsrooms I had worked in or the people I had worked with? Yes and no. I've worked in three newsrooms in different parts of the country. Each had their own personality, but all of them tried to fight the future. It's enough for me to understand why newspapers are dying.

During my post-grad internship at The News and Observer in North Carolina, I pitched a story about Facebook privacy concerns. I spent an hour explaining Facebook to my assigning editor, who still couldn't wrap his head around it and treated the story like intern busywork that should never see newsprint. After I left, my final draft was turned into the millionth "Facebook is popular" trend story, six months before the Facebook privacy backlash began in 2005.

After that, I spent two and a half years working for the Chattanooga Times Free Press, a newspaper that was trying to catch up with the Internet. Reporters were required to blog, though some of the reporters had trouble understanding what a blog was in the first place, confusing posts with print articles on the Web site. Colleagues and I tried to rebel against the weekly post requirement. We had the freedom to write how and what we wanted, but they controlled when? Wasn't that against the point of blogging? At least this newspaper’s editors understood the importance of their Web site and tried the best they could, even if they were a few years behind. Reporters blogged, we recorded audio and video, but, most of all, complained—a lot.

At the Daily News, a photographer made a slideshow to go with one of my stories. My supervisor proudly circulated the link around the section, but his boss had a very simple response to the multimedia effort: "Why?" Yet this same person also suggested I create a Google Alert with my name to see if blogs picked up any of my stories, as if it would be an honor and a reward. I found it odd that one of the largest newspapers in the country needed the reassurance of bloggers. After all, everyone at the paper acted like they were unaffected by falling circulation numbers, saying that this is New York and newspapers can’t possibly be dying here because people always have read papers and thus always will. Reporters and photographers mention the paper's circulation rank at least three times a day in conversation to each other, sources, recent hires, and anyone who dare cross them.

But that mantra won't stop the numbers from falling, the layoffs from coming, the readers from preferring the Internet, and the ads from not selling. The people at the paper kept telling me how everyone wanted to be in my position. After six weeks, I didn't want to be there anymore. Three months later, I’ve been laid off from a temp receptionist job and my job search has stalled as the economy crumbles. All I can do now is read blogs in my pajamas all day, but I'm thankful for the chance to be a reader again and see what all the fuss is about.

It's different on the other side. The only newspaper I read is the free one handed to me before I get on the subway, because I can't afford to pay for one. My mind drifts during long, jargon-filled online news articles and I enjoy their succinct and snarky blogs more. I follow CNN, AP, and The Onion's Twitter feeds. My job hunt is fueled by online job postings on various Web sites and attempts at networking. I check CNBC.com for updates about the falling stock market and which company is laying off how many today, because newspapers frustrate me by providing yesterday's information.

My main concern is how newsrooms will move forward—if they ever do. A lot of people who love reading the hard copy and want coupons, but what happens when that group dies off or the economy gets worse? Why buy a bulky stack of paper filled with yesterday's news when you can log on and get today's for free? I've attended too many journalism conferences where the theme has been convergence and editors talk about how "blogs are the future." They're not the future anymore; they're now, and the Internet will rule more of how we get news in the years ahead. Where have these editors been?

Reporters need to stop regarding the Internet as a pest they're not paid enough to provide for and accept that, in addition to their daily duties, this is the new journalism. Owners need to remember that, along with the flashy appeal of the Internet and big profits, newspapers still require good journalism and even better journalists. Newspapers, even without the "paper," can still remain a news authority, but they need to start acting like one and stop acting like the great-grandfather trying to impress the cool kids.

My current interest in journalism has shifted to the Internet, blogs and social media. News doesn't necessarily come from news sources anymore. Everything on the Internet has the potential to become something big, even if just for a day. That works out well for marketing ploys and blog book deals, but it also helps promote stories from all over that might have ordinarily flown under the radar. I'm not sure how things will evolve, but I'm excited to see how it does and that's what still has me interested in the industry. The Internet facilitates creativity. and I think newspapers have the potential to do so much with it. And I'd love to be a part of it, if they ever do.

I want this to happen, so much that it's hard for me to stop caring for the profession I loved so much in college, but cried about hating in the bathroom. Maybe things will get better when the economy bounces back. Maybe newspapers will start to have the backing to utilize the Internet the way they want and should. Maybe a new generation of editors and reporters will embrace the Internet and save newspapers from dying. Right now, though, I have as much hope for newspapers as I have of finding a non-journalism job while equipped with a journalism degree in this economy—none.

____

In July, we invited laid-off and bought-out journalists to reflect on their experience in the form of a letter to colleagues. Now we are issuing a similar invitation to the young people who’ve come into the profession in the last five years or so, and the young journalism students who soon will. We invite them to air their concerns and hopes about journalism, too. The central questions: What do you see in this business that makes you still want to pursue it? How do you imagine people will get quality news five years down the road? How will you try to fit in? Send your submissions to editors@cjr.org. We’ll publish these periodically under the headline "Starting Thoughts," and we'll archive everything we publish here.

Leaving on a (Private) Jet Plane

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Yesterday's irony-laden meeting between the House Financial Services Committee and Detroit's Big Three: what Dana Milbank and his Washington Sketch were made for.

Who Will Be at the Table?

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During the campaign, Barack Obama promised his cheering crowds that, when he rolled up his sleeves to work on health care, he would “have insurance company representatives and drug company representatives at the table. They just won’t be able to buy every chair.” During the campaign, little was written about health care special interest groups. Now is a good time to take a look at just what kind of seats they will have at Obama’s table, and what they’re doing to bring the public around to their ways of thinking. This is the first of an occasional series of posts that will look at their activities and how the media are covering them. The entire series is archived here.

The special interests that have the most to gain or lose from health reform have been pretty quiet all year. Aside from giving gobs of money to Obama’s campaign, they apparently have been content to let the candidates duke it out before sending in the heavy lobbying artillery. They’ve projected a positive, conciliatory, almost reform-friendly image. America’s Health Insurance Plans agrees that everyone should have access to coverage, and now, with some conditions, insurers are willing to cover everyone; the American Medical Association, which calls itself the Voice For The Ininsured, says it wants to give all Americans the means to purchase health care coverage. But they haven’t really telegraphed the punches they plan to throw in what will be a high stakes fight. Thanks to the drug industry, that’s about to change.

A few days ago, The Washington Times reported that Big PhRMA, known formally as the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, is launching a mega-million dollar PR blitz to promote the benefits of the free market. “We’re going to do an ad campaign that is designed to make people aware of the importance of preserving your free-market health care system,” PhRMA senior vice president Ken Johnson told The Times. Johnson said there was no question that next year would be challenging. Drug makers are about to minimize the challenge in ads that will not criticize the Obama Administration or any of its health proposals. The ads feature TV talk show host and PhRMA spokesman Montel Williams; in one, Williams says everyone should have affordable health insurance and “doing what’s best for patients is what’s best for everyone.” In other words, the pitch is soft and subtle.

That seems to fit perfectly with another warm and fuzzy PhRMA PR endeavor—its very public support for expanding the State Childrens’ Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). How can you miss with that? Twice in 2007 Congress passed a bill that would have provided coverage to more kids; twice it was vetoed by President Bush. As the fight to expand SCHIP got rough, PhRMA earned its bona fides as a kids champion. It sponsored TV commercials and print ads to improve awareness of SCHIP, and its president, former congressman Billy Tauzin, proclaimed: “For parents, there is no greater issue of importance than ensuring the health of their children.” Touching.

This year, PhRMA went one better and funded a group called America’s Agenda: Health Care for Kids, which, The Wall Street Journal reported, was founded only this past September with PhRMA as its sole funder. With some $11 million from PhRMA, the group produced commercials that
thanked twenty-eight politicians for supporting SCHIP expansion. All but three were Democrats.

“The SCHIP ads are about good policy,” Johnson told the Journal. “We are trying to promote programs that encourage greater access to health care.” The drug makers may be building greater access for themselves. As the Journal reported, some legislators thanked in the ads are in critical positions to influence legislation—Maine Sen. Susan Collins and North Dakota Sen. Byron Dorgan, who co-sponsored a bill to import cheaper drugs from Canada, and Montana Sen. Max Baucus, who chairs the Senate Finance Committee that will deal with some of the industry’s key concerns.

PhRMA gave some $1.6 million to Obama’s presidential campaign, triple what it gave John McCain. Johnson was candid about his group’s agenda:

We’ve been moving the pieces on the chess board around for some time now getting ready for next year, and we’ve got a great game plan in place. We think we’ve earned a right at the table, and we’re optimistic that at the end of the day, the majority of members of Congress will recognize the importance of the pharmaceutical industry to health care.

So what are they worried about? The president-elect has said he favors price negotiations between Medicare and the drug companies, which some experts believe will lead to somewhat lower prices for prescription drugs for seniors and lower government outlays for Medicare’s prescription drug benefit. The 2003 law that provided for the benefit banned price negotiations. The Boston Consulting Group estimates that price negotiations could lower drug maker annual revenues by $10 to $30 billion. Ah, the loser thing again! What’s a few million to persuade the public how much you care about kids when that expense can help you pocket billions?

Meanwhile, seniors—who still must pay some of the costs for the drug benefit—will see those costs go up next year. For some, monthly premiums will rise on average 43 percent; for others, the premiums may increase by more than 300 percent. Seniors are also required to pay a portion of the drug price at the pharmacy. Those amounts are going up too.

Linking all the pieces calls for some connecting-the-dots reporting. Let’s get on with it.

Bob Garfield on Aggregation

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Another saucy bit from the Consumer Revolution conference: Bob Garfield on aggregation. "We're soon going to see aggregators of aggregators," he said. Soon we'll have aggregators of aggregators of aggregators, and soon we'll have one mega-aggregation. "You'll only get one story a day," Garfield joked, "but it will be fabulous."

David Cay Johnston on Bloggers

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At today's Consumer Revolution on the Web conference (hosted by Consumer Reports and CJR), David Cay Johnston, speaking on a panel that includes Bob Garfield, Trudy Lieberman, Consumerist founder Ben Popkin, and Technologizer founder Harry McCracken, declared, "I think most of the blog sites out there are about as useful as talking to a drunk in a bar."

Katie Couric, guesting on Letterman last night, talked about those awkward-if-not-disastrous Sarah Palin interviews. Including: Palin's refusal to reveal which newspapers she reads. (Remember "um, all of 'em" and "any of ‘em that have, uh, been in front of me over all these years"?)

"I'm not sure whether she was afraid to offend certain people, by, she would offend conservatives by saying she read The New York Times," Couric said.

"Or people who don't read," Letterman responded. "She was afraid of offending people who don't read. Maybe that was it."



[h/t Michael Calderone]

A Roundup of the Wreckage

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With yet another stock-market plunge yesterday, the papers all have their follow stories about the bleakness. Barry Ritholtz over at The Big Picture posts a roundup of some of the records being set lately. It's a snapshot of the disaster.

The S&P 500 hasn’t been this far below its 200-day moving average on a percentage basis since The Great Depression...

CPI: U.S. consumer prices in October registered their largest single-month decline since before World War II. It is the largest monthly drop in the 61-year history of the data...

Bloomberg points out that "markets are back in crisis mode" as corporate debt insurance hits record highs again.

The Journal on page one writes about the specter of deflation after the price fall. Even excluding food and energy, prices were still down. They explain why that's bad:

A true bout of deflation would pose problems on several fronts. First, it would raise real borrowing costs for individuals and businesses. That's because both must repay fixed amounts of debt, along with interest, even as underlying prices and their own earning power are falling. It could also give households and businesses an incentive to hoard cash, since the value of having cash on hand rises as prices fall. The process can feed on itself: Consumers and businesses delay spending, worsening a downturn and leading to more debt defaults.

The Times is good to put the deflation prospect in context, showing how quickly things have changed:

The decline in consumer prices is all the more remarkable because this summer many economists were concerned about inflation and the prospect for stagflation, in which inflation and unemployment rise simultaneously, contrary to their usual relationship. “It’s funny that just a few months ago everyone was wringing their hands over inflation,” said Nariman Behravesh, chief economist at Global Insight. “It’s gone. It’s over.”

WSJ: A Novel Tack by Mortgage Firms

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The Wall Street Journal has an interesting report on mortgage firms slashing troubled borrowers’ principal, rather than foreclosing on them. I didn’t know this was going on at all, and it’s a hopeful sign that lenders may be finally realizing what they need to get this crisis behind them .

And why not do it? Foreclosing on a house causes a huge loss for the lender. The Journal says here it costs one firm 59 percent of the loan amount. Here’s what one Florida servicer is doing:

Reducing the principal on mortgages is "a last resort," says Paul Koches, executive vice president at Ocwen Financial Corp., a West Palm Beach, Fla., loan servicer that has shrunk the amount owed on 10,884 delinquent mortgages as of Sept. 30. That is 23% of all the loans modified by Ocwen so far this year.

On average, such borrowers saw their loan payments drop by 20% to 40%, typically by lowering the loan balance and interest rate. Ocwen estimates that the savings for investors who own the mortgages vary from a nominal amount to more than $325,000 per loan compared with the likely return if the loans wound up in foreclosure.

The problem is, because of securitization, mortgages have been sliced and diced so that many investors own a stake in a mortgage, rather than the old style of a bank or Fannie Mae holding the loan itself.

Good for the Journal for finding this story. I’m betting you’ll see a lot more of this in the coming months and years.

At Risk in Mexico

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On November 13, Mexican crime reporter Armando Rodriguez was killed outside his Juarez home by an unknown attacker. Rodriguez covered the crime beat for the national daily El Diario for fourteen years, and had briefly been transferred to the paper's El Paso office after receiving death threats this past February. Rodriguez was not that week's only gang victim in Juarez: four law enforcement officers were killed over the past few days, and a police inspector was killed just a few hours after the Rodriguez's murder, continuing a disturbing trend of gang violence.

Mexico's gang wars are a miniature guerilla war: more than five thousand people were killed despite the crackdown on drug cartels that President Felix Calderon launched shortly after taking office in December 2006. More than thirty-six thousand federal troops were dispatched to some of the country's trouble spots, but the killings continue unabated in the border city of Juarez, which had more than twelve-hundred gang-related homicides in 2008.

Rodriguez is the fifth journalist to be murdered in Mexico this year, and the 25th this decade, making Mexico one of the most dangerous countries for reporters. While the crime remains unsolved, the likelihood that Rodriguez was murdered in response to his reporting on Juarez's drug gangs highlights the dangers of covering one of the continent's most important ongoing stories. In her magazine piece for the current issue of CJR, Monica Campbell explores the impact of Mexico's drug war on the country's working journalists.—Armin Rosen

The Big Three's PR Disaster

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Dana Milbank of the Washington Post twists the knife into the carmaker CEOs, who were busted in Congress yesterday for flying their corporate jets to Washington to ask for a government handout. They couldn’t even “jet-pool” as one congressman mockingly suggested.

So it was hard to feel sorry for the executives when Rep. Peter Roskam (R-Ill.), late in the hearing, reminded them again that "the symbolism of the private jet is difficult," and mischievously asked the witnesses whether, in another symbolic gesture, they would be willing to work for $1 a year, as Nardelli has offered to do.

"I don't have a position on that today," demurred Wagoner (2007 total compensation: $15.7 million).

"I understand the intent, but I think where we are is okay," said Mulally ($21.7 million).

"I'm asking about you," Roskam pressed.

"I think I'm okay where I am," Mulally said.

Congress comes in for its share of brutality from Milbank, too.

It seemed everybody had a car story to tell. Rep. John Campbell (R-Calif.) let it be known that he was a car dealer for 25 years. Rep. Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.) disclosed that he had worked at the GM plant in Framingham. Rep. Donald Manzullo (R-Ill.) wanted to see more ads for the car made in his district, while Rep. Michael Capuano (D-Mass.) said the Edsel was once made in his home town. Rep. Walter Jones (R-N.C.) read from Cicero and held up photos of cars. And Rep. David Scott (D-Ga.) had no car stories to tell but delivered the surprising news that the problem with the Titanic was not its collision with an iceberg.

I’m a big fan of Milbank’s column, and this kind of colorful reporting, with his eye for the ridiculous, is why. Read the whole thing, as they say.

Cash for Trash

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The Wall Street Journal has an excellent story about which corporate executives made the biggest killings over the last five years. Turns out fifteen of them, including several homebuilders, raked in more than $100 million in cash from stock sales. Many of them have seen their stocks collapse. For instance:

R. Chad Dreier, 61, chairman and chief executive of Ryland Group Inc., a Calabasas, Calif., home builder, made $181 million over the five-year period. Specializing in mid-range homes, Ryland did well in the boom, entering into hot markets, such as Las Vegas and Ft. Myers, Fla. Most of its buyers financed homes through Ryland's in-house mortgage unit, some through controversial interest-only mortgages.

Angelo Mozilo. Dick Fuld. Jimmy Cayne. The gang’s all here (see this great chart).

The pay issue is key in this crisis, which was created in no small part because incentives for executives have been all out of whack. This gluttony all just looks ugly now, and the Journal revels in exposing the Gilded Age excesses of several of the execs:

Next door to his 4,900-square-foot hilltop house in Santa Barbara, Calif., a Dreier private company owns an office building that houses Mr. Dreier's collection of baseball cards, sports memorabilia, gems, minerals and other items. State records say he owns several cars, including a 2004 Porsche coupe worth $448,000…

In 2004, Mr. Meyers bought a Spanish-style villa in Newport, R.I., the summer retreat of industrialists a century ago. He paid $10.3 million for the estate, on 45 acres with sweeping views of the Atlantic. Mr. Meyers tore down the villa and is constructing a five-building, 38,000-square-foot compound called Seaward with a carriage house, a guest house and a caretaker's cottage. Mr. Meyers also owns a 66-foot sailing yacht, which he recently raced to a win at the famed Newport Regatta…

Mr. Cole, who was CEO for some of the period, lives in a 9,200-square-foot oceanfront home in Laguna Beach, Calif., that has a tax value of $30 million…

Not long after GFI went public, Mr. Gooch bought a 152-foot sailing yacht that had been listed for sale at $12.9 million.

Mr. Gooch lives in a 10,000-square-foot, seven-bedroom house on the water in Rumson, N.J, with an elevator, pool and tennis court. He also owns a waterfront home in Delray Beach, Fla., and a Colorado ski condo.

I think I just heard the folks on the WSJ’s editorial-page side have a collective aneurysm over the “class warfare” here.

Never mind them. Applaud the news side for a good job.

Career Paths, Bizarro World Edition

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Generally speaking, a mailroom is the place where you begin your career.

Except at the Newark Star-Ledger, that is--the paper being, apparently, the Official News Source of the Bizarro World. Per E&P's Joe Strupp:

When a newspaper cuts its staff, those who remain in the depleted newsroom become valuable. But as The Star-Ledger of Newark, N.J. slowly says farewell to 151 newsroom folks who took buyouts last month, at least two longtime journalists have been reassigned to the mailroom.

Reporter Jason Jett and Assistant Deputy Photo Editor Mitchell Seidel have been filing, sorting, and delivering mail for more than a week, according to sources.

Jett and Seidel, who could not be reached for comment, apparently declined to take one of the buyouts offered this fall as part of a companywide move to cut costs.

Yeah. We look forward to upcoming weeks, when it will be revealed that Jett and Seidel have returned to high school, and that Star-Ledger publisher George Arwady has returned to the womb.

Access Uber Alles

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If business journalism can be said to have structural problems—and I think it does—the biggest one, in my view, its Achilles heel, would be the access problem.

It’s hard to write about business without access to sources, and it is considered better to have sources at the very top. People at the top of corporations are hard to reach, and they typically don’t have to talk to reporters unless they want to. They’re protected by a phalanx of public relations specialists, who are not dummies and know when they have leverage. It is therefore much easier to write a story that is largely complimentary—or at least within some unspoken bounds of acceptable discourse—than one that is largely the opposite.

This is why the covers of business magazines look the way they do.

So there is a tension: arms-length scrutiny versus the need for access. That’s journalism for you. What can you do? I’m not saying this tension is a bad thing, just that these are the conditions under which reporters and editors operate.

So in return for access you have to give something up. But how much, and what do you get in return? That’s the question every time.

Now, I can’t prove it, but it’s my sense that the public-relations operatives have become more empowered in recent years, as business-news organizations have shriveled financially and competition for business news has, paradoxically, increased.

Productivity demands on reporters have increased—that hamster wheel is spinning like mad—leaving less time and appetite in newsrooms for sticky, time-consuming confrontation. Meanwhile, experience levels in newsroom have dropped, and investigations are left in the hands of a shrinking elite.

One suspects, further, that news cultures have been affected. The tradeoff between access and arms-length scrutiny—that never-easy balancing act—has gotten out of whack. News organizations are conceding more to sources and getting less, in some cases, much less.

Which brings us to The New York Times’s recent offering on Sallie Krawcheck, a story that seem to cross a clear bright line. It allows Krawcheck’s view of her experience at Citi to be presented in detail while she herself takes no responsibility for those views. She is not even asked for comment. Instead she hovers behind this story like some kind of weird specter, speaking to and through “friends,” who themselves are nameless.

The result is some kind of business-press prose-poem, a masterpiece of insiderism, that treats readers as if they were morons and unfortunately opens the Times up to ridicule, which I will now endeavor to apply.

New Media, New Opportunities

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In the five years since I first became a reporter, I have worked for two established print weeklies, both of which have gone out of business. Most recently, I was working for an award-winning online news site financially supported by a nonprofit organization, before nearly two-thirds of the staff were abruptly laid off after the election. For young reporters like me, the Internet is the primary medium for news content, and it is already leading to a new and inclusive form of journalism rooted in public participation. Although cynics like to say that the craft is a dead end for both young reporters and veteran writers alike, I think it's an exciting time to be a journalist.

While I was covering this year’s Democratic National Convention in my home city of Denver, the irrelevancy of print was made dramatically clear. The city's dailies dutifully recounted convention events, but even the headlines that marked the newspaper kiosks each day seemed horribly dated by mid-morning; any breaking news during the event had been dutifully covered and rehashed on the Web hours before. Minute by minute, our online audience was consuming new information about the street protests. Breaking stories were immediately posted on the Web and simultaneously sent to hundreds of readers who subscribed to our news feed.

On the first night of the convention I watched as police pepper-sprayed a group of innocent bystanders, hitting several people and nearly missing me. I talked to a thirty-three-year-old Denver native who was simply trying to catch a bus when he was maced. At the same time I was also relaying all of this information via cell phone and text message to one of our editors, who were always stationed in a position to instantly update the site with breaking news. The story was out before the police issued an official statement. In the end, the immediacy of the Web led to better-informed, more engaging protest coverage.

There are plenty of other examples to cite, but I specifically remember this one: when a young video journalist from Colorado was accosted by police during the Republican National Convention while providing live video coverage for an online news site, Internet viewers watched in real time as she was forced to her knees, somehow gripping the camera while simultaneously obeying police orders to raise her hands.

Journalism is becoming a more egalitarian profession—and that’s a good thing. Although many media outlets will remain the property of a small bloc of parent corporations, more and more members of the public who may not be traditionally considered journalists are becoming involved with news coverage. A dramatic power shift has obviously occurred in the way the public produces and consumes news when an unemployed nineteen-year-old using free blogging software can report on the results of a controversial city council vote restructuring Denver's election bureau and scoop a weathered professional before he even makes it back to the newsroom.

Perhaps counterintuitively, this power shift can actually end up helping established reporters—if they let it. At the online publication where I worked, readers were allowed to freely comment on stories, provided they followed a basic commenting policy designed to avoid spam, libel and personal attacks. I can't even count the number of times I have gained valuable news tips from commenters, some of them leading to award-winning material. It's true that many online comments can be worthless, but smart reporters will mine them for information and respond to the readers, perhaps using the eyes and ears of their audience to snag stories that would otherwise have eluded them.

Awhile back, when I was writing regularly about prisons, many of the commenters who followed my corrections coverage worked for the Federal Bureau of Prisons as guards in Colorado penitentiaries and risked losing their jobs if they talked to the media on the record. I would initiate conversations with them off-site, and ended up building an impressive Rolodex of informants inside the prisons. These invaluable sources served me well when I traveled to the small town of Florence to write a feature on the nation's only federal super maximum security prison, exposing massive staffing cuts leading to dangerous working conditions and inmate neglect.

When a riot involving more than 200 inmates broke out on the outdoor recreation yard of a high-security penitentiary in southern Colorado during April I utilized my corrections sources and commenters to follow the breaking story. Even though I was more than a hundred miles away from the scene in Denver, our news site was the first to correctly report that two inmates had been killed by guard rifle fire during the melee, and that the guards had emptied more than 500 rounds of live ammo from the prison's towers. I would again use these corrections sources when I was the first to report that the warden of the same prison received an annual award for prison excellence from the bureau in July, despite two additional inmate deaths since that time.

This new kind of journalism, based on old-fashioned reporting but propelled by public participation and rooted in the inclusive nature of the Web, will continue to thrive as newsmakers begin to see information as less of a commodity and more of a continuing dialog with their audiences. Of course, those working as journalists online should continue to use the fundamental ethical principles invoked by their predecessors—bylines, ethics policies, disclosing possible conflicts of interest, and publicly correcting their errors. With a new media ethos that encourages public participation and empowerment, it is my hope that the newest generation of reporters will succeed in rekindling the idea of journalism as public service. That's what I want to do.

____

In July, we invited laid-off and bought-out journalists to reflect on their experience in the form of a letter to colleagues. Now we are issuing a similar invitation to the young people who’ve come into the profession in the last five years or so, and the young journalism students who soon will. We invite them to air their concerns and hopes about journalism, too. The central questions: What do you see in this business that makes you still want to pursue it? How do you imagine people will get quality news five years down the road? How will you try to fit in? Send your submissions to editors@cjr.org. We’ll publish these periodically under the headline "Starting Thoughts," and we'll archive everything we publish here.

Wow. See if you can make it more than halfway through this excellent piece from the New York Observer's John Koblin on the hall of mirrors reporting, rumor-mongering, excuse-making, word-parsing disaster that is the "Will Clinton be our Next-etary of State" journalistic free for all without your mouth hanging agape.

No pull quote. Just read it.

Election Tigers

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Per Liz's earlier post, here's an entirely different way in which to see CNN's hologram "in context."

In reality, it's not far from the election night weddings MSNBC promised. (And never delivered!)

Steering Away from the Pack

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With everybody thinking and writing about the car industry these days, it’s hard to stand out from the pack. But the Timeses of Los Angeles and New York do just that today with good angles, both of which, coincidentally, come from the City of Angels.

The NYT reports on a stagnant “sea” of cars at the Port of Long Beach, imported and not wanted by customers and, therefore, dealers.

And for the first time, Mercedes-Benz, Toyota, and Nissan have each asked to lease space from the port for these orphan vehicles. They are turning dozens of acres of the nation’s second-largest container port into a parking lot, creating a vivid picture of a paralyzed auto business and an economy in peril.

“This is one way to look at the economy,” Art Wong, a spokesman for the port, said of the cars. “And it scares you to death.”

The NYT deftly weaves in good context on how this fits into the larger economy:

The backlog at the port is just part of a broader rise in the nation’s inventories, which were up 5.5 percent in September from a year earlier, according to the Commerce Department. The car industry has been hurt particularly, with sales down nearly 15 percent this year.

It's good to point out that Detroit isn't alone in not selling cars these days. Check out the slideshow, too.

Meanwhile, the LAT looks at today’s auto show there, which GM and Chrysler are skipping, but which Ford is driving at full speed ahead. Most of the reporting has focused on the perilous states of the former two because of their deal talks, and this is a good excuse for a look at Ford, whose plan the LAT says:

… is risky because it is tying up billions of dollars in future product at a time when low consumer confidence and frozen credit markets have made for the worst new-car sales in this country in 17 years. If Ford can't pay its bills, a garage full of promising new cars is useless.

With appropriate skepticism, the LAT describes Ford whistling in the wind:

Even as General Motors Corp. and Chrysler have scrapped plans to introduce any vehicles at the L.A. event, Ford is unveiling no fewer than six: the Ford Fusion, Fusion hybrid, Mercury Milan, Milan hybrid, Lincoln MKZ and the 2010 Mustang.

That's a big number of introductions for any show, even in a good year for auto companies, which 2008 most decidedly is not: Ford's sales are down 18.2% through October, worse than the industry as a whole, compared with last year.

What's more, Ford is considering as many as five more product launches at the Detroit auto show in January, and company executives describe a product pipeline that's jammed through 2010. Ford even opened a new shift at its F-150 plant in Dearborn, Mich., this month to pump out big quantities of the redesigned pickup.

Today is the Day

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Today, apparently, is World Toilet Day. And lest you forget about what that means, science writer Margaret Wertheim lays it out in an opinion column in today's Los Angeles Times.

A question of the day:

Though the word "toilet" is often considered declasse and even rude to utter aloud, much of modern life would not be possible without the commode. Ask yourself this: If you had to live without toilets or electricity, which would you choose?

On toilets and skyscrapers:

Toilets became a key factor in metropolitan growth both laterally and vertically. In order to build up, you have to be able to flush down. (Imagine carrying a chamber pot down the 102 stories of the Empire State Building.)

Seeing CNN's Hologram in Context

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"CNN: The Most Trusted Name In News?" Up for debate. "The Most Nicknamed Name in News?" Who could argue? Car-Chase News Network. Clinton News Network. And now: Corpulent News Network (courtesy of the New York Observer's Felix Gilette, who used to write for CJR).

Per Gilette: "For much of the 2008 election, going-as-over-the-top-as-you-possibly-can might as well have served as [CNN's] mission statement." And, given the dire financial straits in which so many news organizations now find themselves:

...CNN’s current swagger, from its battery of technology to its cornucopia of talking heads, seem[s] that much more freakish—the aberrance of opulence in the leanest of times. Over the past year, CNN has racked up double-digit profit growth for the fifth straight year. Time Warner does not officially break out the numbers for CNN. But according to data from industry analysts SNL Kagan, in 2008, CNN brought in more than $1.1 billion in total revenue.

Press Release by Science Reporting

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Cris Russell's recent lament in CJR about reporters plugging material from press releases directly into their copy seems anything but the admission of a "dirty little secret," as she calls it. Reporters have been doing this routinely since I left the newsroom, and the fact that the public may not have been conscious of it doesn't change the fact that it amounted to lazy journalism.

Cris's excellent piece, however, seems to focus on two arguments: Journalists routinely are lifting quotes—if not other material—from news releases, without stating that they're doing so. And some public affairs operations are now producing releases that, for all intents and purposes, are functioning as real science journalism.

As chief science writer at Ohio State University and one of those public affairs officers who's been reporting on scientific research and offering it to reporters for much longer than three decades, I've watched that happen to my copy hundreds of times. And aside from an internal chuckle on my part, it doesn't bother me a bit. Let me explain why.

First, my philosophy in producing stories is, and always will be, to tell them journalistically, following the same guidelines that I learned in my years as a reporter for Alabama’s Birmingham News, and to explain the story as plainly and honestly as possible. If I've taken the pains to craft a story as carefully and as accurately as I would have when I was in the newsroom, then I know that the reporter receiving it has much better material as a starting point for his or her take on the story. In the end, that ensures a higher quality of information for the reader.

Many journalists see all PR as the same when, in reality, there is a lot of variation, and press officers’ perceptions of their roles and responsibilities differ widely. While corporate types may be there largely to “sell soap” and support the bottom line, science public affairs officers are usually bent more towards explaining the research. Those at the top research universities, for example, know that overselling discoveries or spinning content risks their credibility and any hope of reporters trusting them in the future.

As to the quotes I’ve included in the press releases I've done, they’re all direct statements by the sources, approved by the sources, and aren't vetted by anyone else. No administrator okays them, nor do PR gurus spin them in any direction. So the quotes are there specifically, as Ron Winslow said in Cris's essay, to help reporters decide whether or not to chase the piece. They're there to be used, with or without attribution to a release—just get the quotes right, that's all I ask.

Also, in most cases, the research in question is work I've followed for years, giving me the same kind of knowledge advantage that a beat reporter has over a general assignment reporter in the newsroom. Does anyone really believe that a reporter's blind call from even the most prestigious news media will yield the kind of information that comes from a reporting relationship that's grown over years? I don't think so. The last decade or so has seen top science PIOs shift their prime goal from coverage to credibility, since they know that the former depends on the latter.

In her piece, Cris cited a panel at the recent National Association of Science Writers’ annual meeting where a group of media critics discussed the use of press releases. At a session on science writing immediately following that one, a colleague and I offered case studies of when reporters missed the mark in trying to cover stories about major controversies in research. We explained the events in each case and outlined details of how institutions deal with such episodes.

In the end, we pointed out that none of the reporters covering any of the events took the time to understand what was actually happening. Because of that, they never asked the right questions—questions that, in nearly all cases, we were hoping they would ask. And because they did not ask the right questions, they never got the accurate information needed to raise their stories beyond the "he-says, she-says" approach.

Reporters in the crowd argued that we, public information officers, should have volunteered the information, or at least have told them what they should be asking for. Our response: Reporters need to understand a story enough to know what questions to ask. But that only brought the comment that I was "slimy" for "withholding" information.

You can't "withhold" something that isn't asked for. The reporters in these cases were just plain lazy. Which brings us to the point that some public affairs operations are doing good science journalism—not just flacking PR.

The Internet has evened out the playing field when it comes to reporting on science and research. While, sadly, some communications offices still push institutional PR and "messaging," many do not and that's a good thing, not something for journalists to fear. In essence, they're filling the gaps left by staff journalists.

Science public affairs officers who report on research honestly and competently are a resource for reporters, and in many cases function as peers. They are the ones who are trusted by journalists, and the public is the beneficiary of the work of both.

The pressures of shrinking newsrooms, dwindling resources and increased workloads aren't going to go away. And readers, rarely sympathetic to the journalists' plight, will simply turn elsewhere for their information. It's time to stop worrying about who's doing the best science reporting and simply focus on doing more of it.

The Financial Times is appropriately skeptical of Treasury Secretary Paulson and Fed Chairman Bernanke and their assertions that "we have turned the corner" on the crisis.

The paper neatly juxtaposes their optimism with news that credit-default swap prices soared to a record yesterday, meaning investors are betting that more companies will go broke. And it notes that Congress is questioning Paulson's leadership, even if the Washington Post is not.

“I think there is a crisis of confidence that is in the general public and within this body of the Congress,” Paul Kanjorski, a Democratic representative, told Mr Paulson.

“We are trying to figure out… the 180 degree change that you made in policy.”

And oh yeah, what about the housing bust?

Meanwhile, the Treasury secretary came under intense pressure from Democrats to use money from the bail-out fund to back home loan modifications.

“The fundamental policy issue is our disappointment that funds are not being used out of the $700bn to supplement mortgage foreclosure reduction,” said Barney Frank, chairman of the House financial services committee.

How Much "Change"?

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Bloomberg has a nice report on what an Obama administration’s financial and economic policy will look like, noting that Robert Rubin, Larry Summers, and Paul Volcker aren’t necessarily the poster boys for “change.”

``This is a group of people that understands the markets, respects the free-market system and understands government has an important role to play,'' says Eugene Ludwig, a former U.S. comptroller of the currency who is himself an Obama adviser. ``But there are limits on what government can or should do”…

Rubin, one of Obama's closest economic advisers, was a proponent of deregulation as President Bill Clinton's Treasury secretary from 1995 to `99. Summers, a Harvard economist who worked under Rubin in the Treasury before replacing him as secretary, joined his boss in defeating an effort to rein in over-the-counter derivatives in 1998.

The Berg notes that the newly expanded Democratic majorities in Congress may want to drag Obama to the left more than he wants, and some of his constituents are already skeptical:

Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy group in Washington, says Wall Street has gained a disproportionate influence over the new administration's regulatory agenda because its employees contributed so much to the Obama campaign — a record $12.7 million compared with $8 million for McCain, according to the Center for Responsive Politics in Washington…

Goldman Sachs employees gave $874,207 to him, the second-highest amount for any organization, behind the University of California.

The story makes an interesting point in reporting that Citigroup, where Rubin was “consigliere”, wouldn’t have been able to create the CDOs that blew a hole in its side without the Rubin and Summers approved Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, which repealed the Depression-era Glass-Steagall Act, letting banks and investment banks merge.

Bad News in Commercial Real Estate

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The Journal and Bloomberg report today that two big commercial real estate loans are about to default and yesterday the commercial mortgage-backed securities market cratered as a result. It looks like the next shoe may be dropping.

What’s got investors extra spooked is that these loans have soured so quickly, a sign that others in their “vintage”—the same year they were made—may go bad more quickly too. Troubles with specific loans in a vintage often signal trouble for others in the same year since lending standards tend to have been similar.

The Journal’s headline is misleading, though, saying “CMBS Market Begins to Show Fissures”. I, for one, wrote about that happening going on two years ago.

The WSJ has valuable information that Bloomberg does not:

The Westin loan, which J.P. Morgan made in December, projected a $23.7 million annual cash flow for the property, 13% higher than what it was at the time. The loan represented about 70% of the purchase price of the property. An official at the borrower, Transwest in Tucson, declined to comment.

When the Promenade loan was made in July 2007, the property's cash flow was $6.3 million, but J.P. Morgan underwrote it on the assumption it would rise to about $10.5 million. About $8.8 million in reserves were set up when the loan was made. The reserves, intended to cover certain expenses, are down to about $2.8 million today.

That means the loans were underwritten with fantasy cashflows. JPMorgan was assuming the landlords could quickly raise rents or increase occupancies significantly, which apparently didn't happen.

It’s important to realize that though there was insane lending in commercial real estate, it was somewhat more restrained than that in housing—plus malls and hotels have rental income that pays off loans even when property values decline (all bets are off when they're underwritten like the ones here, though). Bloomberg provides the context here, though comparing subprime housing bonds to all commercial real estate bonds is a bit apples to oranges:

Delinquencies on commercial real estate debt rose to 0.78 percent in October, from 0.66 percent in September, according to RBS Greenwich data. About 35 percent of all subprime mortgages backing bonds are least 30 days late, according to data complied by Bloomberg.

A better comparison might have been the delinquency rate of all mortgage-backed securities, but it’s stunning to see that 35 percent number on subprime.

Still, there are going to be a lot of hotels and malls and office buildings going under. How many will depend on how bad the economy really gets.

Personalizing the Congo on A1

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Last week, Armin wondered why the conflict in the Congo wasn't receiving (more consistent) A1 coverage. Today, New York Times readers (well, print readers) meet a reuinited Congolese family -- Protégée, Résponse, and Esperance Nirakagori --on the front page (below the fold) via powerful images (before and after the reunion) from the AP's Jerome Delay. And readers who follow the jump to A6 get a very vivid sense, courtesy of Jeffrey Gettleman (someone Armin rightly singled out as having done admirable work on the topic to date), of "the desperation --and weirdness--...creeping across eastern Congo as more terriotry slips into a jumbled world between government and rebel control."

UPDATE: Delay, the AP photographer cited above, writes up the story of that family reunion (and his role in it) here. In part:

When I set out to search for Protégée, I had little certainty of success but I was determined to try to help. As a journalist, I've photographed war and refugees all over the world since the early 1980s.


But I was particularly moved by readers' reactions to this photograph of two little girls, their faces wrenched in fear and desperation. I knew that the chances of finding them again were slim, as I see children walking alone on the roads every day. But I found myself imagining how it would feel if I were searching for my own daughters -- and having two, that was not difficult.

The Post's Paulson Puff, Part Two

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The Washington Post graces us this morning with part two of its Henry Paulson hero-worship series.

I was skeptical yesterday when the Post let Paulson spin wildly that his hands were tied legally on Lehman Brothers, the failure of which turned a financial crisis into a near-apocalypse.

Turns out I was right. Today, the Post lets Paulson be the “wartime general” who blows up the rules when they stand in the way of him saving the planet, in this instance regarding Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac:

The federal government would have to seize the firms. But the law said their management would have to agree, and his own staff had reservations about whether Paulson had the legal authority to force them to surrender.

"Trust me," came Paulson's curt answer. "I'll get it done"…

"Even if you don't have the authorities — and frankly I didn't have the authorities for anything — if you take charge, people will follow," Paulson said in an interview. "Someone has to pull it all together."

In fact, about half the story is about how Paulson has acted when his legal authority was unknown or questionable, which makes the pass the Post gave him on Lehman yesterday look even dumber. These stories could have used a big dose of skepticism.

Here the Post makes him sound like Superman, boldly, brazenly bursting, bending and filling the impotent void with his ex-football player body:

During his 28 months at the Treasury, Paulson has accumulated more power than nearly any of his predecessors and has wielded it boldly, even brazenly at times, in a bid to tame the financial crisis of a lifetime. He has burst through the customary boundaries that separate federal agencies, bent regulations to his will and pushed up against legal limits. As financial firms tumble and traditional oversight agencies prove impotent, Paulson has filled the void with his 6-foot-1 frame, summoning the rest of Washington and Wall Street to get in line.

And it even lets Paulson spin some more on Lehman in the man-in-charge kicker.

When the investment bank Lehman Brothers released disastrous second-quarter earnings this summer, shortly before it went bankrupt, Paulson asked its chief executive, Richard S. Fuld Jr., what the next quarter would look like. Fuld said it might be worse. Paulson demanded that he find a buyer for the company.

Fuld balked, looking for other ways to save the firm. So Paulson moved ahead himself and tried, ultimately unsuccessfully, to engineer a deal.

"I was the only guy who drove that," Paulson said. "I called two banks when none of them were interested. I tried to get them interested. I urged them to do it. . . . That's what a Treasury Secretary needs to do when you are in a war."

You'd never know from these stories that there are people who question the guy.

Earlier today, the Independent Film Channel hosted a panel discussion pegged to tonight's premiere of The IFC Media Project. Moderated by Arianna Huffington, the panel included Bill Kristol, Christopher Buckley, Pete Hamill, and Project host Gideon Yago. The conversation was--unsurprisingly, considering its participants--smart and sometimes confrontational. Below, a selection of some of the saucier bits:


On the Media's Old/New Divide

Kristol: "I'm a fan of the blogosphere--I always defend it."

Huffington: "The mainstream media are suffering from attention deficit disorder--and the online media are suffering from OCD."

Buckley: "Blogging is still an utterly new thing to me. It sounds like a disease."

Buckley on reported blogs: "It amounts to a kind of wiki-media....I don't quite know whether or not to trust them. But caveat emptor."

Kristol, comparing today's media to those of prior years: "The 'good old days' weren't that good....We would be shocked [today] at how utterly dependent people were on the decisions of a few people."


On Pundits

Hamill: In the past, "we believed that the columnist was like the soloist in the band: he stood up, blew a few notes, and sat down...but he was not the band."

Huffington to Buckley, referring to his much-publicized endorsement of Obama: "Congratulations on single-handedly assuring the victory of Barack Obama."

Buckley: "Yes, I'm waiting for my ambassadorial appointment."

Kristol: "I don't like Keith Olbermann. I think I'm usually his 'worst person of the week'--forgive me, 'worst person in the world.'"


On Journalism's Job

Huffington: "Many people consider that the role of journalism is to be 'fair and balanced.'"

Kristol: "That's a good phrase. You should use it in marketing."
Hamill: "The point of good journalism is to make people say one of two things: 'Hey, I didn't know that,' or 'Hey, I didn't think of that.'"

Huffington: "I'd add to that one more thing: 'Hey, I want to change that.'"


On the Future of Journalism

Hamill on young journalists: "The fundamental desire to be Don Quixote and slay dragons is alive and well."

Hamill on young journalists: "They're lucky because they're at the point when print and paper are fading, and the Internet is going to be your primary source for news."

Hamill on laid off/bought out journalists: "Grab those people. They will help the young people. They'll hang out with them in the bar after work, and say, 'You know, schmuck, that third paragraph should have been the first paragraph.'"

Buckley: "Everyone now has his or her bully pulpit...but there's going to be a lot of bull."

Hamill on journalism: "This is a moment to stand up and say, 'Let's do this goddamn thing, and make it work for as many people as we can.'"

Health Care Lessons From California

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Sunday on This Week with George Stephanopoulos, California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger offered Barack Obama a helping hand. While he hadn’t yet talked to the president-elect, The Gov made it clear that “I am the first one to go and do everything that I can, as governor, and as a state, to support his administration because we have done a lot of studies and work on health care. If he wants to do health care, then we want to be his partners and help with the health care reform.”

Schwarzenegger’s offer of help invites an examination of his state’s failed quest to bring health insurance to all its residents—and the role he played in the plan’s demise. One year ago, the state spent a lot of time and effort trying to become a health care model for the country. The lessons it learned in the course of the struggle will be relevant for journalists as the political slugfest gets going and “the moment for health care reform is now” rhetoric recedes.

Lesson one: The money wasn’t there

After months of political wrangling, state legislators crafted a proposal with input from the governor and lots of special interest groups. The bill passed the California General Assembly, but the Senate health committee killed it a few weeks later. The state’s plan, patterned on the law passed in Massachusetts and similar to the blueprint that Obama and Clinton both peddled during the campaign, mandated that residents have insurance and called for massive subsidies to help people buy their policies from commercial carriers. Even with the huge amounts of money directed to buying private insurance, only 70 percent of the uninsured—some 6.5 million and rising—would be covered. When the state’s independent Legislative Analyst’s Office reported that, by its fifth year, program costs would exceed revenues by $300 million (and eventually by as much as $1.5 billion), reform collapsed, and Schwarzenegger moved on to more pressing budget matters.

Lesson two: Strong insurance regulation is politically difficult

California is also a state where the leading newspaper, the Los Angeles Times, has, in my judgment, done some of the year’s best health care reporting. The Times doggedly reported on an unsavory insurance industry practice called rescission. Once policyholders get sick and file claims, insurers look for evidence that they might have lied on their policy applications. If companies find some bending of the truth, intentional of not, they rescind the policy—often at a time when people are facing expensive treatments. Thousands of policyholders have found themselves without coverage just when they needed it most.

The Times exposed this practice and wrote about one carrier, Health Net, which paid bonuses to employees who purged sick people from the books. California regulators slapped the companies with fines, one as high as $10 million, and then made them reinstate some of the cancelled policies. The state legislature passed a law prohibiting the practice and establishing an independent review process. But the insurance industry balked—no surprise there—with its spokesman saying the bill didn’t offer real protections and “would have invited dishonesty on applications and lead to price increases and reduced coverage in the individual market.” No worries here. The Governor vetoed the bill, and the same practices continue.

Lesson three: Insurers will fight for the right to insure only the healthiest people

One point of controversy was whether California insurers had to offer coverage to sick people. During the campaign, Obama repeatedly said that, under his plan, carriers would have to cover everyone, even those with pre-existing conditions. A year ago, a California industry insider let me in on a little secret. The state’s giant carrier, Blue Cross, he told me, “said privately they will spend whatever it takes” to defeat any law that limits the company’s ability to select risk—in other words, reject sick people. “Blue Cross is best at risk selection,” he said. “They would take a big hit to their profits.”

So while legislators and special interests fought over the shape of a bill, WellPoint, Blue Cross’s parent, went after Californians’ hearts and minds, creating a group called the Coalition for Responsible Health Care Reform and spending $2 million on an advertising and organizing campaign to persuade people to see reform its way. It was all about the loser thing Ted Marmor talked about about in my post yesterday.

The Governor’s lesson plans for the new president may not mention these sticking points, but journalists should. Perhaps they could even get the Gov to offer some advice for dealing with these same thorny issues on a much bigger stage.

Turning the Lens Around

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There's an old saying out there that journalism is a craft and not a science. And if that's actually the case, then there's fewer crafts in this country that have failed up quite as spectacularly, quite as often, as the modern sideshow that passes itself off as American news.

So begins The IFC Media Project, a six-part series alternately exploring, praising, and criticizing the news media. The intro--narrated, as is the rest of the series, by Gideon Yago, a former correspondent for CBS and MTV News--strikes a fitting tone: The "praise" involved here is incidental; most of the series focuses on criticism--and, often, condemnation--of the media.

And most of that comes with a healthy dose of controversy. The first half-hour episode, premiering tonight, focuses on the media's "fascination with the elusive missing white girl"--Caylee Anthony, in particular--the government's use of propaganda in "selling" policy decisions to the public; and on "the third rail of American journalism": the relationship between the U.S. and Israel. Citing the fact that Israeli media are in constant debate about their citizens' tenuous relationship with Palestinians, UC-Irvine professor Mark Levine asks, "Why don't we have this debate here in America? What shapes the way we talk about Israel? Why does there seem to be so much that we can't talk about?" The episode goes on to interview The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy author John Mearsheimer.

The project--featuring interviews with, among others, Tucker Carlson, Valerie Plame-Wilson, Dan Rather, Ken Silverstein, Christopher Dickey, Morley Safer, and David Barstow--was produced by Meghan O'Hara, who collaborated with Michael Moore on Sicko, Farhenheit 9/11, and Bowling for Columbine. And it certainly has a Moorian sensibility to it, for better or for worse. But considering that Americans spend, on average, 70 percent of their day exposed to media of some kind, kudos are in order to any project that explores, as Yago puts it, "what the media gets right, what it gets wrong, and who calls the shots that influence what you actually see."

The series premieres on the IFC channel at 8 tonight. More info, and online viewing, is available on IFC's Web site.

"What Are You Hearing?"

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Reporting on a White House transition is, for many reasons, a challenging assignment. (Check back at Campaign Desk later this week, we hope, for look at how some editors are approaching the task of covering this in-between time).

Meantime, here are some highlights from the speculation-cum-coverage available on cable news, where What are you hearing? is on the lips of news anchors everywhere and the answer is typically something like unnamed Democrats close to someone close to the Obama camp hint that...

And when you're not hearing What are you hearing? you're hearing pundits speculating as their own tastes and hang-ups dictate. To wit:

Sen. Hillary Clinton being the speculative favorite for secretary of state, MSNBC's Chris Matthews wonders, Can she take orders?, just as he did back during the spectacular Will-Obama-pick-Hillary-as-VP? days. During last night's Hardball:

MATTHEWS: Does she want that kind of job?


REP. GREGORY MEEKS (D-NY):...There's no question in my mind that she would make a great person to put in in the state department as secretary of state.

MATTHEWS: That's not the question I asked. She's an independent person. She's her own person and has been now for eight years. Not first lady, not a derivative, but her own political figure. As secretary of state, she has to go along 99% of the time with the boss, the president of the United States. Can you see Hillary Clinton under the leadership of Barack Obama totally, accepting his premiership of her policy? He sets the policy. She carries it out. Could she do it?

Matthews realizes that Hillary Clinton is "not a derivative," but does former Bush Chief of Staff Andrew Card? On MSNBC this morning:

CARD: If President-Elect Obama wants Bill Clinton's wife to be in the cabinet there is a way to, I think, make sure that there's a box around Bill Clinton, have a lawyer inside government at the State Department for example that says we're going to take a look at everything before you agree to do it...

ANDREA MITCHELL: And in fact, she is beyond being Bill Clinton's wife. I think she proved in this campaign, she has her own agenda, she brings her own talent and reputation to this. For better or worse. She is a very large figure on the world stage.

Very large. And very... scary?

From Fox News this morning:

STEVE DOOCEY: Do you think [Clinton] would make an effective person to have in the Cabinet?

MIKE HUCKABEE: Actually I think she would be a very effective secretary of state. If Barack Obama doesn't choose her, he better get a food taster. This would be twice he has knocked on her door and not taken her to the dance and you can't keep doing that.

A woman scorned, and all...

Also on this morning's Fox & Friends, they played "Fantasy Cabinet," in which, per the on-screen headline,"Bob Beckel Picks Obama's Team." Now maybe you're thinking, but, Obama Picks Obama's Team. Yeah, yeah. Meantime, what a fun fantasy for Beckel, a Fox News contributor, complete with images of Beckel's picks in playing cards!

Fox News also also wins the award for the Most Forward-Looking Clinton-related speculation. Before she's even been hired, Fox News's Juan Williams wondered Sunday (h/t, Media Matters):

A big problem may be if you have Hillary Clinton as secretary of state, how do you fire her? Is it possible to fire her? Is it possible to fire her without setting off fireworks inside the party and around the world? They must have come through some discussion about it and decided they can handle it.

They must have.

But my favorite moment to date in CabinetStakes (Clinton Edition) came this morning on MSNBC, in an exchange between Joe Scarborough and his guest (and Daily Beast editor) Tina Brown on the "danger" of Sec. of State Hillary Clinton:

JOE SCARBOROUGH: Tina Brown, let me ask you about the danger of selecting Hillary Clinton. Let's face it. An editor of a newspaper or a magazine will be thrilled with any misstep Bill Clinton or Hillary Clinton or the Clinton dog makes over the next four years. Is that not trouble for Barack Obama?


BROWN: I think it's wonderful for Barack Obama. It completely distracts the press from him. Look at it this way, Obama is looking very cool and very, very gracious and very big by having the team of rivals sort of strategy and bringing in Hillary, his arch rival. It makes him look bigger and, like a very sort of noble guy. Then when Hillary starts and all the fireworks start because people love, the media loves the Clintons, they create fabulous dynamics, that is a good distraction for Obama. He can get on with governing.

Clinton in the Cabinet as chum for the press permitting Obama to swim safely (and nobly!) away and "get on with governing," undisturbed (unnoticed?).

On November 3, home subscribers of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette found their morning newspapers packaged in a cellophane bag that read "Defend Freedom. Defeat Obama. NRA." (The paper, it should be noted, endorsed Obama.) The paper's decision to allow the advertisement to run one day before the election elicited spirited responses from a Pittsburgh blog accusing the Post-Gazette of "selling out," a defense from the local alt-weekly, and a slew of letters to the editor expressing disappointment.

This isn't the only recent political advertisement to draw ire from readers. In September, many newspapers included a copy of "Obsession: Radical Islam's War Against the West," a DVD which featured, "among other scenes, Islamic clerics calling for jihad and crowds chanting "Death to America," and it drew parallels between Islamic extremists and Nazi Germany, mixing footage of Nazi youth and children pledging to be suicide bombers." The reactions ranged from cancelled subscriptions to protests outside newspaper offices.

Responding to criticism, publisher Diana Block wrote a note to readers the next day, saying that the newspaper provides an exchange of ideas, some of which may even come from paid advertising. "To stifle such discourse, or to deny a place in the discussion to those with whom we don't agree," Block wrote, "would inject a bias into the debate. We believe that strong, fair, vigorous debate best serves you, our readers."

So, should the Post-Gazette have accepted the ad?

King of The Wooorld?

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Both Leonardo DiCaprio and Barack Obama have been named 2008 GQ "Men of the Year," each with his own cover. But here's GQ deputy editor Michael Hainey on MSNBC just now describing to anchor Peter Alexander how Obama and DiCaprio are not alike:

HAINEY:....[F]or us at GQ, we thought [Obama] really epitomized the GQ man and the new man in America. It's a completely obvious choice to go with him.

ALEXANDER: From what I have understood you guys had two minutes to take these photos of him between campaign stops when it happened...He's extremely photogenic, he's charismatic, give us the back story of that. You have two minutes to put a guy on the front cover I'm guessing there's stress overload at GQ headquarters.

HAINEY: It's funny, we had other guys like Leo DiCaprio who you get four hours with. Barack Obama, we met him in Philadelphia. He said, look, you've got two minutes. Our photographer took a Bed, Bath and Beyond sheet and hung it in the doorway. The president-elect came off stage after a speech and stood right there like the celebrity that he is, to invoke John McCain's phrase, he hit his mark, gave a smile, shot one roll of film and there's your cover. It goes to show you, I think, the guy can do anything.

(Stand in front of a bed sheet and smile? Check. Next up: tackling Iraq, Afghanistan, the economy, global warming...)

The exchange concluded with Hainey saying that yes, right now, "people can't get enough" of Obama but that "once he takes office then, I think things, you know, he's on his own" (consider yourself warned, President-Elect Obama!) but, in conclusion,"he's obviously just a completely fantastic person and just the real GQ guy."

WSJ's Bank Mod Story Incomplete

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The Wall Street Journal reports that even banks that have modified home loans to help struggling borrowers are getting slammed by defaults.

The U.K. bank, which bought an Illinois subprime lender called Household International Inc. in 2003, has modified since the start of last year 238,000 home loans with a combined outstanding balance of $28.8 billion.

But even as HSBC tries to stem surging defaults and foreclosures, some borrowers are falling further behind on their payments. About 21% of the consumer loans modified under a program that essentially declares a loan current had fallen into default as of Sept. 30, up from 18% three months earlier, according to HSBC.

It’s a good angle to look at, but those numbers don’t tell me much because there’s no industry context. How have other banks’ consumer loans performed in the same timeframe? The WSJ doesn’t say.

And I think it lets HSBC spin a bit too much here. Sure, it has modified loans, but that’s meant relatively minor things like freezing interest rates so borrowers aren’t suddenly slammed by option-ARM resets. There’s no principal reduction or anything remotely radical.

Foreclosures cost banks 40 percent or so of the home’s value. It seems there’s wiggle room in there to reduce the principal for some borrowers if it really want to improve its default rate.

County Fair's Jamison Foser takes us through an example of "one way in which news organizations frequently drop the fact-checking ball...by repeating as fact something that they do not independently know to be true, but that has been reported elsewhere" (and, I'd add, without explicitly saying that this is what they're doing) and then making things worse by slightly altering the original report "and a game of telephone ensues."

FT on the Other Paulson

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The Financial Times has an interesting piece of news: John Paulson, who’s made many billions of dollars betting against housing in the last couple of years, is now wading into fire-sale mortgage bonds.

This is a hopeful sign, for once, about the possible softening of the crisis. Now, it’s impossible for any investor to time a market, but if I were betting, I wouldn’t want to go against this guy:

According to Alpha Magazine, Mr Paulson made $3.7bn in 2007, reflecting the success of his strategy — begun in 2006 — of betting on a collapse of the subprime mortgage market. At the end of the third quarter of this year, his funds were up 15-25 per cent. His funds also made profits in October, his investors say.

And the FT’s story has nice context for a short piece.

We too often forget that the housing bust is good for a lot of people, namely those who can now actually afford to buy a house that’s not crazily overpriced.

The Los Angeles Times reports on how buyers in Santa Ana, California, are reaping the benefits of their neighbors' woes and sparking a boom in home sales there.

Last month Maciel paid a bit under $270,000 for a two-bedroom, 910-square-foot house. It had previously sold for $504,000 in 2006 and was foreclosed upon in July.

All told, 357 homes in Santa Ana were in escrow in October, almost 10 times the volume of a year ago.
They're selling fast because they're cheap. They're cheap because there have been so many foreclosures.
About 80% of houses for sale at the end of October in the city had been foreclosed upon, were in default or were listed for sale at less than their mortgage amount…

The Times is good to warn its readers that just because they bought a house for half off doesn’t mean it might not lose some value before the market stabilizes.

Experts caution that Lee's loft and Maciel's home may still lose value, despite the steep drop in prices in the area. Houses in town continue to slip into foreclosure, and unemployment rates are rising throughout Orange County.

More defaults and foreclosures are likely as adjustable-rate mortgages reset to higher rates next year, Chapman University economist Esmael Adibi said. That means the inventory of unsold homes will continue to climb, while the ability of people to buy may decline.

Overload!

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In 2007, as part of the third round of strategic planning for its digital transformation, The Associated Press decided to do something a little different. It hired a research company called Context to conduct an in-depth study of young-adult news consumption around the world. Jim Kennedy, the AP’s director of strategic planning, initially agreed to the project because he thought it would make for a “fun and entertaining” presentation at the annual meeting. It turned out to be more than that; the AP believed that the results held fundamental implications for the role of the news media in the digital age. Chief among the findings was that many young consumers craved more in-depth news but were unable or unwilling to get it. “The abundance of news and ubiquity of choice do not necessarily translate into a better news environment for consumers,” concluded the researchers in their final report. “Participants in this study showed signs of news fatigue; that is, they appeared debilitated by information overload and unsatisfying news experiences . . . . Ultimately news fatigue brought many of the participants to a learned helplessness response. The more overwhelmed or unsatisfied they were, the less effort they were willing to put in.”

The idea that news consumers, even young ones, are overloaded should hardly come as a surprise. The information age is defined by output: we produce far more information than we can possibly manage, let alone absorb. Before the digital era, information was limited by our means to contain it. Publishing was restricted by paper and delivery costs; broadcasting was circumscribed by available frequencies and airtime. The Internet, on the other hand, has unlimited capacity at near-zero cost. There are more than 70 million blogs and 150 million Web sites today—a number that is expanding at a rate of approximately ten thousand an hour. Two hundred and ten billion e-mails are sent each day. Say goodbye to the gigabyte and hello to the exabyte, five of which are worth 37,000 Libraries of Congress. In 2006 alone, the world produced 161 exabytes of digital data, the equivalent of three million times the information contained in all the books ever written. By 2010, it is estimated that this number will increase to 988. Pick your metaphor: we’re drowning, buried, snowed under.

The information age’s effect on news production and consumption has been profound. For all its benefits—increased transparency, accessibility, and democratization—the Internet has upended the business model of advertising-supported journalism. This, in turn, has led news outlets to a ferocious focus on profitability. Over the past decade, they have cut staff, closed bureaus, and shrunk the newshole. Yet despite these reductions, the average citizen is unlikely to complain of a lack of news. Anyone with access to the Internet has thousands of free news sources at his fingertips. In a matter of seconds, we can browse The New York Times and The Guardian, Newsweek and The Economist, CNN and the BBC.

News is part of the atmosphere now, as pervasive—and in some ways as invasive—as advertising. It finds us in airport lounges and taxicabs, on our smart phones and PDAs, through e-mail providers and Internet search engines. Much of the time, it arrives unpackaged: headlines, updates, and articles are snatched from their original sources—often as soon as they’re published—and excerpted or aggregated on blogs, portals, social-networking sites, rss readers, and customizable homepages like My MSN, My Yahoo, myAOL, and iGoogle. These days, news comes at us in a flood of unrelated snippets. As Clay Shirky, author of Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing without Organizations, explains, “The economic logic of the age is unbundling.” But information without context is meaningless. It is incapable of informing and can make consumers feel lost. As the AP noted in its research report, “The irony in news fatigue is that these consumers felt helpless to change their news consumption at a time when they have more control and choice than ever before. When the news wore them down, participants in the study showed a tendency to passively receive versus actively seek news.”

There has always been a large swath of the population that is not interested in news, of course, just as there has always been a portion that actively seeks it out. What’s interesting about the current environment is that despite an enormous increase in available news and information, the American public is no better informed now than it has been during less information-rich times. “The basic pattern from the forties to today is that the amount of information that people have and their knowledge about politics is no worse or no better than it’s been over that sixty-year period,” explains Michael X. Delli Carpini, dean of the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. For example, a 2007 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press found that 69 percent of Americans could correctly name the vice president, only a slight decrease from the 74 percent who could in 1989.

This phenomenon can be partially explained by our tendency to become passive in the face of too much information. It can also be attributed to the fact that the sheer number of specialized publications, the preponderance of television channels, the wide array of entertainment options, and the personalization and customization encouraged by digital technologies have made it far easier to avoid public-affairs content. “As choice goes up, people who are motivated to be politically informed take advantage of these choices, but people who are not move away from politics,” explains Delli Carpini. “In the 1960s, if you wanted to watch television you were going to watch news. And today you can avoid news. So choice can be a mixed blessing.”

Markus Prior writes in his book, Post-Broadcast Democracy: How Media Choice Increases Inequality in Political Involvement and Polarizes Elections, “Political information in the current media environment comes mostly to those who want it.” In other words, in our supersaturated media environment, serendipitous exposure to political-affairs content is far less common than it used to be. Passive news consumers are less informed and less likely to become informed than ever before.

The tragedy of the news media in the information age is that in their struggle to find a financial foothold, they have neglected to look hard enough at the larger implications of the new information landscape—and more generally, of modern life. How do people process information? How has media saturation affected news consumption? What must the news media do in order to fulfill their critical role of informing the public, as well as survive? If they were to address these questions head on, many news outlets would discover that their actions thus far—to increase the volume and frequency of production, sometimes frantically and mindlessly—have only made things more difficult for the consumer.

While it is naïve to assume that news organizations will reduce their output—advertising dollars are involved, after all—they would be wise to be more mindful of the content they produce. The greatest hope for a healthy news media rests as much on their ability to filter and interpret information as it does on their ability to gather and disseminate it. If they make snippets and sound bites the priority, they will fail. Attention—our most precious resource—is in increasingly short supply. To win the war for our attention, news organizations must make themselves indispensable by producing journalism that helps make sense of the flood of information that inundates us all.

The Limits of Human Attention

Ours is a culture of multitasking, of cramming as many activities as possible into as short a period of time as possible. We drive and talk on our cell phones, check e-mail during meetings and presentations, eat dinner while watching TV. In part, says Maggie Jackson, author of Distracted: The Erosion of Attention and the Coming Dark Age, such multitasking “is part of a wider value system that venerates speed, frenetic activity, hyper-mobility, etcetera, as the paths to success. That’s why we’re willing to drive like drunks or work in frenzied ways, although it literally might kill us.”

Many young people multitask to the extreme, particularly when it comes to media consumption. I’ve witnessed my twenty-two-year-old brother watch television while talking on the phone, IMing with several friends, composing an e-mail, and updating his Facebook page. A widely cited 2006 study by the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation found that 81 percent of young people engage in some form of media multi-tasking during a given week. But as cognitive psychologists have long known, human attention is quite limited. Despite our best efforts, when we try to do more than one thing at once, we are less efficient and more prone to error. This is because multitasking is actually a process of dividing attention, of toggling back and forth between tasks.

Acquiring new information requires particularly focused attention, which includes the ability to ignore distractions. In order to absorb the information contained in a CNN newscast, for example, we must not only direct our attention to the person talking, but also filter out the running headlines, news updates, and financial ticker on the lower part of the screen. Torkel Klingberg, a professor of cognitive neuroscience at Karolinska Institute in Sweden and author of The Overflowing Brain, puts it simply: “If we do not focus our attention on something, we will not remember it.” In other words, attention is a critical component of learning.

Michael Posner, a researcher who has dedicated his career to studying attention and a professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Oregon, explains attention as a system of three networks—alerting, orienting, and executive. Alerting refers to the state of wakefulness necessary to attend to information, while orienting is the process by which we respond to stimuli, such as movement, sound, or noise. Executive attention is the highest-order network, the one that we have conscious control over. If we are trying to study for a test or read a novel, we use it to direct and maintain our focus, as well as to suppress our reaction to competing stimuli like the din of a nearby conversation or television.

The information-saturated environment that we live in is, unsurprisingly, extremely demanding of our attention. Modern life—both at work and at home—has become so information-rich that Edward Hallowell, a Boston-area psychiatrist, believes many of us suffer from what he calls an attention-deficit trait, a culturally induced form of attention-deficit disorder. As he pointed out in a 2005 interview with CNET News, “We’ve been able to overload manual labor. But never before have we so routinely been able to overload brain labor.” According to Hallowell and other psychiatrists, all these competing inputs prevent us from assimilating information. “What your brain is best equipped to do is to think, to analyze, to dissect, and create,” he explains. “And if you’re simply responding to bits of stimulation, you won’t ever go deep.” Journalist John Lorinc noted as much in an elegant article on distraction in the April 2007 issue of The Walrus:

It often seems as though the sheer glut of data itself has supplanted the kind of focused, reflective attention that might make this information useful in the first place. The dysfunction of our information environment is an outgrowth of its extraordinary fecundity. Digital communications technology has demonstrated a striking capacity to subdivide our attention into smaller and smaller increments; increasingly, it seems as if the day’s work has become a matter of interrupting the interruptions.

In a recent report, Information Overload: We Have Met the Enemy and He Is Us, the research firm Basex concluded that interruptions take up nearly 30 percent of a knowledge worker’s day and end up costing American businesses $650 billion annually. Other studies show that interruptions cause significant impairments in performance on IQ tests.

In many ways, the modern age—and the Internet, in particular—is a veritable minefield of distractions. This poses a central challenge to news organizations whose mandate is to inform the public. Research by Pablo Boczkowski, who teaches communication studies at Northwestern University, has revealed that when we consume news online we do so for significantly less time than in print and that we do it while we’re working. Further complicating matters is the disruptive nature of online advertising. Intrusive Web advertisements—washingtonpost.com recently featured one in which a Boeing helicopter flies right across the text of a news story—exploit our orienting network, which evolved to respond quickly to novel stimuli. Could we train ourselves to suppress our tendency to be distracted by such advertising? “You can get somewhat better, but it’s hard to resist because it’ll produce orienting,” Posner explains. “The way you resist it is you bring your attention back as quickly as you can.” Yet even if we were somehow able to eliminate ads, the sheer number of articles, headlines, and video and audio feeds on news Web sites makes focused attention difficult. Having to decide where to direct our attention and then maintain it makes reading and retaining news online a formidable task.

The Attention Economy

One of the most useful frameworks for understanding journalism’s challenges and behavior in the information age is the notion of the attention economy. Economics is the study of the allocation of resources and the basic principles of supply and demand, after all, and about a decade ago a handful of economists and scholars came up with the concept of the attention economy as a way of wrestling with the problem of having too much information—an oversupply, if you will—and not enough time or people to absorb it all.

The dynamics of the attention economy have created a complicated and hypercompetitive arena for news production and consumption. News media must not only compete with one another, as well as with an ever-increasing assortment of information and entertainment options, but also with the very thing that supports their endeavors—advertising. In fact, the advertising industry has been struggling with the dynamics of the attention economy for a couple of decades now. As the advertising landscape becomes more saturated, advertisers must work harder to get their messages to the consumer. But as Mark Crispin Miller, professor of media ecology at New York University, notes in the Frontline documentary The Persuaders:

Every effort to break through the clutter is just more clutter. Ultimately, if you don’t have clean, plain borders and backdrops for your ads, if you don’t have that blank space, that commons, that virgin territory, you have a very hard time making yourself heard. The most obvious metaphor is a room full of people, all screaming to be heard. What this really means, finally, is that advertising is asphyxiating itself.

The news media also run the risk of self-asphyxiation in an information landscape crowded with headlines, updates, and news feeds. In order to garner audience attention and maintain financial viability, media outlets are increasingly concerned with the “stickiness” of their content. According to Douglas Rushkoff, host of The Persuaders and author of the forthcoming book Life Incorporated, the question for these organizations has become, “How do we stick the eyeballs onto our content and ultimately deliver the eyeballs to our sponsors?” As he dryly points out, “That’s a very different mandate than how do we make information—real information—available to people. The information economy, then, is a competitive space. So as more people who are information providers think of themselves as competing for eyeballs rather than competing for a good story, then journalism’s backwards.” The rise of sound bites, headlines, snippets, infotainment, and celebrity gossip are all outgrowths of this attempt to grab audience attention—and advertising money. Visit a cable-news Web site most any day for an example along the lines of police: Woman in Cow Suit Chased Kids (CNN); or Man Beats Teen Girl Waiting in McDonald’s Line (Fox News). As Northwestern’s Boczkowski points out, “Unlike when most of the media were organized in monopolistic or oligopolistic markets, now they are far more competitive; the cost of ignoring customer preferences is much higher.”

Meanwhile, the massive increase in information production and the negligible cost of distributing and storing information online have caused it to lose value. Eli Noam, director of the Columbia Institute for Tele-Information, explains that this price deflation is only partly offset by an increase in demand in the digital age, since the time we have to consume information is finite. “On the whole—on the per-minute, per-line, per-word basis—information has continuously declined in price,” says Noam. “The deflation makes it very difficult for many companies to stay in business for a long time.”

Thus, we come to the heart of journalism’s challenge in an attention economy: in order to preserve their vital public-service function—not to mention survive—news organizations need to reevaluate their role in the information landscape and reinvent themselves to better serve their consumers. They need to raise the value of the information they present, rather than diminish it. As it stands now, they often do the opposite.

More-Faster-Better

“Living and working in the midst of information resources like the Internet and the World Wide Web can resemble watching a firefighter attempt to extinguish a fire with napalm,” write Paul Duguid and John Seely Brown, information scientists, in The Social Life of Information. “If your Web page is hard to understand, link to another. If a ‘help’ system gets overburdened, add a ‘help on using help.’ If your answer isn’t here, then click on through another 1,000 pages. Problems with information? Add more.”

Like many businesses in the information age, news outlets have been steadily increasing the volume and speed of their output. As the proliferation of information sources on the Web continues at a breakneck pace, news media compete for attention by adding content and features—blogs, live chat sessions with journalists, video and audio streams, and slideshows. Much of this is of excellent quality. But taken together, these features present a quandary: Do we persevere or retreat in the face of too much information? And as the AP study showed, even young news consumers get fatigued.

In psychology, passivity resulting from a lack of control is referred to as “learned helplessness.” Though logic would suggest that an increase in available news would give consumers more control, this is not actually the case. As Barry Schwartz, the Dorwin Cartwright Professor of Social Theory and Social Action at Swarthmore College, argues in his book The Paradox of Choice: Why More is Less, too many choices can be burdensome. “Instead of feeling in control, we feel unable to cope,” he writes. “Freedom of choice eventually becomes a tyranny of choice.”

A recent study by Northwestern University’s Media Management Center supports this phenomenon. It found that despite their interest in the 2008 election, young adults avoid political news online “because they feel too much information is coming at them all at once and too many different things are competing for their attention.” The study participants said they wanted news organizations to display less content in order to highlight the essential information. “Young people want the site design to signal to them what’s really important . . . instead of being confronted by a bewildering array of choices,” write the researchers in their final report, From “Too Much” to “Just Right”: Engaging Millennials in Election News on the Web.

The instinct that more is better is deeply ingrained in the modern psyche. David Levy, a professor at The Information School of the University of Washington, uses the phrase “more-better-faster” to describe the acceleration of society that began with the Industrial Revolution. According to Levy, we tend to define productivity in terms of speed and volume rather than quality of thought and ideas. “We are all now expected to complete more tasks in a smaller amount of time,” writes Levy in a 2007 journal article. “And while the new technologies do make it remarkably efficient and easy to search for information and to collect masses of potentially relevant sources on a huge variety of topics, they can’t, in and of themselves, clear the space and time needed to absorb and to reflect on what has been collected.” In the case of news production, Swarthmore’s Schwartz agrees. “The rhythm of the news cycle has changed so dramatically that what’s really been excluded,” he says, “is the time that it takes to think.”

Implications for Democracy

Our access to digital information, as well as our ability to instantly publish, share, and improve upon it at negligible cost, hold extraordinary promise for realizing the democratic ideals of journalism. Yet as we’ve seen, many news consumers are unable or unwilling to navigate what Michael Delli Carpini refers to as the “chaotic and gateless information environment that we live in today.”

When people had fewer information and entertainment options, journalistic outlets were able to produce public-affairs content without having to worry excessively about audience share. As the Internet and the 24/7 news cycle splinter readership and attention spans, this is no longer the case. “Real journalism is a kind of physician-patient relationship where you don’t pander to readers,” says Bob Garfield, a columnist for Advertising Age and co-host of NPR’s On the Media. “You give them some of what they want and some of what you as the doctor-journalist think they ought to have.” Unfortunately, many news outlets feel they can no longer afford to strike the right balance.

As information proliferates, meanwhile, people inevitably become more specialized both in their careers and their interests. This nichification—the basis for Wired editor Chris Anderson’s breakthrough concept of the Long Tail—means that shared public knowledge is receding, as is the likelihood that we come in contact with beliefs that contradict our own. Personalized home pages, newsfeeds, and e-mail alerts, as well as special-interest publications lead us to create what sociologist Todd Gitlin disparagingly referred to as “my news, my world.” Serendipitous news—accidentally encountered information—is far less frequent in a world of TiVo and online customization tools.

Viewed in this light, the role of the journalist is more important than ever. “As society becomes splintered,” writes journalist and author David Shenk in Data Smog, “it is journalists who provide the vital social glue to keep us at least partly intact as a common unit.” Journalists work to deliver the big picture at a time when the overload of information makes it hard to piece it together ourselves. “The journalist’s job isn’t to pay attention simply to one particular field,” explains Paul Duguid. “The job is to say, ‘Well, what are all the different fields that bear on this particular story?’ They give us the breadth that none of us can have because we’re all specialists in our own particular area.” In other words, the best journalism does not merely report and deliver information, it places it in its full and proper context.

Journalism’s New Role

The primacy placed on speed and volume in the information age has led to an uneven news landscape. “There is an over-allocation of resources on breaking and developing news production and constant updates,” observes Boczkowski. “I think many news organizations are overdoing it.” While headlines and updates are undoubtedly important, their accumulation is problematic. “Increasingly, as the abundance of information overwhelms us all, we need not simply more information, but people to assimilate, understand, and make sense of it,” write Duguid and Seely Brown.

The question, then, is how?

As David Shenk presciently noted more than a decade ago, “In a world with vastly more information than we can process, journalists are the most important processors we have.” The researchers who conducted the study for the AP concluded that the news fatigue they observed among young adults resulted from “an overload of basic staples in the news diet—the facts and updates that tend to dominate the digital news environment.” In other words, the news they were encountering was underprocessed.

In order to address the problem, the AP has made a number of changes in the way it approaches news production. For starters, it instituted a procedure it calls 1-2-3 filing, which attempts to reduce news clutter and repetition (the days of endless write-throughs are over) while also acknowledging the unpackaged and real-time nature of news in the digital world. With 1-2-3 filing, reporters produce news content in three discrete parts, which they file separately: a headline, a short present-tense story, and, when appropriate, a longer in-depth account. By breaking down the news in this way, the AP hopes to eliminate the redundancy and confusion caused by filing a full-length article for every new story development. In 1-2-3 filing, each component replaces the previous component: the headline is replaced by the present-tense story, which is then replaced by the in-depth account.

The AP has also launched a series of initiatives aimed at providing consumers with deeper, more analytical content. It has created a Top Stories Desk at its New York headquarters to identify and “consider the big-picture significance” of the most important stories of the day. It has also begun developing interactive Web graphics to help explain complicated and ongoing stories like Hurricane Katrina and the Minnesota bridge collapse. And for 2008, the AP launched “Measure of a Nation,” a multimedia series dedicated to examining the election “through the prism of American culture, rather than simply the candidates and the horse race.” “Measure of a Nation” packages take a historical approach to covering such notions as myth, elitism, and celebrity in American presidential politics. In one article published in late August, for example, journalist Ted Anthony explains the powerful political influence of the Kennedy family over the past fifty years, drawing parallels between the campaigns of JFK and RFK and that of Barack Obama. As the AP writes in its report, these changes in approach represent “a concerted effort to think about the news from an end-user’s perspective, re-emphasizing a dimension to news gathering and editing that can get lost in the relentless rush of the daily news cycle.”

Much like educational institutions, the best news organizations help people convert information into the knowledge they need to understand the world. As Richard Lanham explains in The Economics of Attention, “Universities have never been simply data-mining and storage operations. They have always taken as their central activity the conversion of data into useful knowledge and into wisdom. They do this by creating attention structures that we call curricula, courses of study.” Institutions of journalism do it by crafting thoughtful and illuminating stories. “Journalists who limit their role to news flashes are absolving themselves of any overarching obligation to the audience,” writes Shenk in The End of Patience. “Mere telling focuses on the mechanics of transmitting information of the moment, while education assumes a responsibility for making sure that knowledge sticks.” The most valuable journalism is the kind that explains. “The first and foremost role that a journalist plays is to provide the information in a context that we wouldn’t be able to get as amateurs,” says Delli Carpini. “And I think that’s where journalism should be focusing.”

As it turns out, explanatory journalism may have a promising future in the market for news. On May 9, in partnership with NPR News, This American Life dedicated its hour-long program to explaining the housing crisis. “The Giant Pool of Money” quickly became the most popular episode in the show’s thirteen-year history. CJR praised the piece (in “Boiler Room,” the essay by Dean Starkman in our September/October issue) as “the most comprehensive and insightful look at the system that produced the credit crisis.” And on his blog, PressThink, Jay Rosen, a journalism professor at New York University, wrote that the program was “probably the best work of explanatory journalism I have ever heard.” Rosen went on to note that by helping people understand an issue, explanatory journalism actually creates a market for news. It gives people a reason to tune in. “There are some stories—and the mortgage crisis is a great example—where until I grasp the whole, I am unable to make sense of any part,” he writes. “Not only am I not a customer for news reports prior to that moment, but the very frequency of the updates alienates me from the providers of those updates because the news stream is adding daily to my feeling of being ill-informed, overwhelmed, out of the loop.”

Rather than simply contributing to the noise of the unending torrent of headlines, sound bites, and snippets, NPR and This American Life took the time to step back, report the issue in depth, and then explain it in a way that illuminated one of the biggest and most complicated stories of the year. As a result of the program’s success, NPR News formed a multimedia team in late August to explain the global economy through a blog and podcast, both of which are called “Planet Money.” And on October 3, This American Life and NPR aired a valuable follow-up episode, “Another Frightening Show About the Economy,” which examined the deepening credit crisis, including how it might have been prevented and Washington’s attempts at a bailout.

Along with supplying depth and context, another function of the modern news organization is to act as an information filter. No news outlet better embodies this aim than The Week, a magazine dedicated to determining the top news stories of the week and then synthesizing them. As the traditional newsweeklies are struggling to remain relevant and financially viable, The Week has experienced steady circulation growth over the past several years. “The purpose of The Week is not to tell people the news but to make sense of the news for people,” explains editor William Falk. “Ironically, in this intensive information age, it’s in some ways harder than ever to know what’s important and what’s not. And so I often say to people, ‘With The Week, you’re hiring this group of really smart, well-versed people that read for you fifty hours a week and then sit down and basically give you a report on what they learned that week.’ ”

Rather than merely excerpting and reprinting content, this slim magazine takes facts, text, and opinions from a variety of sources—approximately a hundred per issue—to create its own articles, columns, reviews, and obituaries. As Falk explains, there’s a certain “alchemy” that occurs when you synthesize multiple accounts of a news story. And The Week’s success suggests that consumers are willing to pay for this. “We’re a service magazine as much as we are a journalism magazine,” says Falk. “People work ten, eleven hours a day. They’re very busy. There are tremendous demands on their time. There are other things competing for your leisure time—you can go online, you can watch television or a dvd. So what we do is deliver to you, in a one-hour package or less, is a smart distillation of what happened last week that you need to pay attention to.”

One ally in journalism’s struggle to deal with information overload, meanwhile, may be the digital machinery that brought it about in the first place. While digital archiving and data tagging cannot replace human interpretation and editorial judgment, they have an important role to play in helping us navigate the informational sea. As any news consumer knows, searching for or following a story can be frustrating on the Internet, where information is both pervasive and transient. In its study, the AP observed that young consumers struggled to find relevant in-depth news. So the wire service stepped up an effort begun in 2005 to tag all its articles, images, and videos according to a classification system of major news topics and important people, places, and things. These tags allow consumers, as well as news organizations and aggregators, to more effectively find and link to AP content. A number of other organizations, including The New York Times (check out the Times Topics tab on nytimes.com), The Washington Post, and CNN have similar projects under way, promising an opportunity to rapidly—and often automatically—provide consumers with a high level of detail, context, and graphical means of explanation.

The Web site for BBC News may be the best example of how journalistic organizations can deliver context in the digital environment. A news story about the Russia-Georgia crisis, for example, is displayed alongside a list of links to a map of the region, a country profile, an explanation of the crisis, a summary of Russian foreign policy, and related news articles and video footage. All online BBC News stories are presented in this manner, giving consumers multiple ways to learn about and understand an issue. While no American site is this comprehensive, a handful of major news outlets, from CNN to NPR to the National Journal, have used this approach in creating special election 2008 Web pages. By linking stories to one another and to background information and analysis, news organizations help news consumers find their way through a flood of information that without such mediation could be overwhelming and nearly meaningless.

Why Journalism Won’t Disappear

While it’s true that the Web allows the average individual to create and disseminate information without the help of a publishing house or a news organization, this does not mean journalism institutions are no longer relevant. “Oddly enough, information is one of the things that in the end needs brands almost more than anything else,” explains Paul Duguid. “It needs a recommendation, a seal of approval, something that says this is reliable or true or whatever. And so journalists, but also the institutions of journalism as one aspect of this, become very important.”

Moreover, the flood of news created by the production bias of the Internet could, in the end, point to a new role for journalistic institutions. “We’re expecting people who are not librarians, who are not knowledge engineers to do the work of knowledge engineers and librarians,” says Jonathan Spira, CEO and chief analyst for the business research firm Basex and an expert in information overload. In other words, most of us lack the skills—not to mention the time, attention, and motivation—to make sense of an unrelenting torrent of information. This is where journalists and news organizations come in. The fact that there is more information than there are people or time to consume it—the classic economy-of-attention problem—represents a financial opportunity for news organizations. “I think that the consumers, being subjects to this flood, need help, and they know it,” says Eli Noam. “And so therefore they want to have publications that will be selecting along the lines of quality and credibility in order to make their lives easier. For that, people will be willing to pay.” A challenge could become an opportunity.

In fact, journalism that makes sense of the news may even increase news consumption. As Jay Rosen points out on his blog, explanatory journalism creates a “scaffold of understanding in the users that future reports can attach to, thus driving demand for the updates that today are more easily delivered.” In a similar fashion—by providing links to background information and analysis alongside every news story—the BBC gives consumers frameworks for understanding that generate an appetite for more information.

The future of news depends on the willingness of journalistic organizations to adjust to the new ecology and new economy of information in the digital age. “I think in some ways, we need a better metaphor,” says Delli Carpini. “The gatekeeping metaphor worked pretty well in the twentieth century, but maybe what news organizations should be now is not gatekeepers so much as guides. You don’t want gatekeepers that can say you can get this and you can’t get that. You want people who can guide you through all this stuff.”

Ironically, if out of desperation for advertising dollars, news organizations continue to chase eyeballs with snippets and sound bites, they will ultimately lose the war for consumer attention. Readers and viewers will go elsewhere, and so will advertisers. But if news organizations decide to rethink their role and give consumers the context and coherence they want and need in an age of overload, they may just achieve the financial stability they’ve been scrambling for, even as they recapture their public-service mission before it slips away.

Obama With Reporters (Then and Now)

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NPR's David Folkenflik wonders, "Will Obama's White House Be Open to the Media?" and taps the experience of reporters like Jeff Zeleny, formerly of the Chicago Tribune and now of the New York Times, who "say [Obama] used to seek out reporters eagerly" during his Illinois state Senate days and "remained expansive with reporters in Washington" after joining the Senate in 2004.

What does Zeleny expect now? Noting the ways the Obama campaign shared information online (YouTube, social networks) "to go around that [campaign press] filter," as Folkenflik puts it, Zeleny says:

I think in this White House, you may once again have more information about the president and the administration than ever before. But I still think there will be fewer opportunities for questions and direct interaction with reporters and the president.

Promise and Peril at Tesla

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The Washington Post has an interesting look at Tesla Motors, the startup electric-car company that’s run into trouble recently. It’s a good time to be looking at alternatives to the Formerly Big Three, I’d say, and this one is also just an interesting business column—although it’s far too short.

Tesla apparently has a great electric car that’s faster than a Porsche and that it is producing at the rate of ten a week, but the company may go broke anyway. It seems genius is volatile, and its founder is a little bit troublesome.
But if the product is as good as it looks, maybe Congress should be taking a look at this company along with the dinosaurs in Detroit. I’d like to read more on this.

The Post's Paulson Puff

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The Washington Post goes long with yet another Henry Paulson profile. There’s not much new here—add it to the list of Great Man Theory pieces lionizing Paulson, this time as someone with the flexibility of mind to change his thinking as circumstances dictate. And this is only part one of two.

Ultimately, Lehman failed, not because of Paulson's convictions about how free markets should work but because he could not arrange a deal to save the firm, even with taxpayer money.

The fallout from Lehman's bankruptcy filing Sept. 15 was severe. The firm had relationships with a wide range of hedge funds and financial firms. Some could not get their money back. Suddenly, investors on Wall Street could no longer be assured that their money was safe in any investment bank.

So “he could not arrange a deal to save the firm, even with taxpayer money”? I think if Paulson had wanted to prevent a Lehman bust he could have prevented a Lehman bust. Indeed, a few hours later he does just that with AIG. How does that work?

Just a day later, Paulson dropped publicly any pretense that large firms would be allowed to fail. Along with Timothy F. Geithner, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Paulson put together an $85 billion loan for the insurance titan American International Group.

Don’t get me wrong: Paulson has a nearly impossible job and I’m glad he’s not as rigid as Andrew Mellon, say. But the press loves officials who liberally hand out access (see: coverage of John McCain before and after he shut down the Straight Talk Express sessions this summer), and I think we could do with a bit more skepticism about the Treasury Secretary.

And these Paulson stories are letting him off the hook for his role in creating the crisis? Check out this Bloomberg story by Mark Pittman from more than a year ago:

Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson says the U.S. is examining the subprime mortgage crisis to ensure that ``yesterday's excesses'' aren't repeated. He could be talking about himself and his former firm, Goldman Sachs Group Inc.

Paulson, 61, doesn't mention that Goldman still has on the market some $13 billion of almost $37 billion in bonds backed by subprime loans or second mortgages that it created while he was chief executive officer. Those bonds have an average delinquency rate of almost 22 percent, higher than the average of other subprime bonds from the period, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

We need more of that kind of skeptical reporting on Paulson. The press is searching for its hero narrative, and it’s trying a bit too hard.

Daniel Gross blows a gaping hole in the argument that borrowers are to blame for the housing bust and subsequent financial crisis.

Writing for Newsweek, he reports on a part of the subprime lending industry that’s actually doing great. Why? This small corner of finance actually treats its customers right.

What sets the "good" subprime lenders apart is that they never bought into all the perverse incentives and "innovations" of the late subprime lending system—the fees paid to mortgage brokers, fancy offices and the reliance on securitization. Like a bunch of present-day George Baileys, ethical subprime lenders evaluate applications carefully, don't pay brokers big fees to rope customers into high-interest loans and mostly hold onto the loans they make rather than reselling them. They focus less on quantity than on quality. Clearinghouse's borrowers must qualify for the fixed-rate mortgages they take out. "If one of our employees pushed someone into a house they couldn't afford, they would be fired," says CEO Bystry.

These lenders put into practice the types of bromides that financial-services companies like to use in their advertising. "We're in business to improve people's lives and do asset building," says Linda Levy, CEO of the Lower East Side Credit Union.

Who are these counterintuitively successful institutions? Credit unions and community-development banks, and they have a 3 percent delinquency rate on their mortgages, compared to 19 percent for the overall subprime industry. Whoda thunk a rate that low was even possible in this environment?

Gross (and others, like Aaron Pressman of BusinessWeek, Thomas Frank of the WSJ, and Barry Ritholtz of The Big Picture) has written before about the utter wrongness of blaming borrowers and regulations like the Community Reinvestment Act of 1979 for “forcing” banks to lend to people who couldn’t afford to pay back the loans. It would be funny to see the free-marketeers tilt at windmills if their ideas didn’t still have outsized weight with policymakers and the press.

This is an enlightening story that ought to be required reading in finance, Congress, and at certain organs of market-worship. These success stories can provide a template for what the next iteration of the financial industry ought to look like.

And this story shouldn’t be one and done: There’s plenty of room for more reporting by the rest of the press.

Barack-A-Bye Babies

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From Newsweek comes information that the jubilation inspired by the victory of Barack Obama in the recent presidential election may trigger something of a baby boom in August, 2009:

In the hours and days since Obama's victory, many of his exhilarated supporters have been, shall we say, in the mood for love. And though it's too soon to know for sure, experts aren't ruling out the possibility of an Obama baby boom—the kind of blip in the national birth rate that often follows a seismic event, whether it's scary (a terrorist attack) or celebratory (the end of World War II).

Excitingly, Obama himself was born almost nine months to the day after the 1960 election of John F. Kennedy to the White House.

This idea is an appealing one because people love thinking that national politics, our sex lives, and demographic trends easily intersect. The Newsweek article was chock full of expert opinion but somewhat short on actual reasoning.

While a number of people did indeed have sexual intercourse on the night of November 4, 2008, it is hard to tell what this actually means. People, especially those in long-term monogamous relationships, have sex all the time. Sometimes people have sex after something great happens; sometimes people have sex after something terrible happens. And then sometimes couples have sex after, well, a satisfying day of bill paying and TV watching.

What's missing from this article is a basic acknowledgment of Americans' sexual practices. In order for Obama to trigger an actual baby boom, election night would have to spur a rash of irresponsible and unprotected sex. This might be true, but it wouldn't seem to make much sense. (Obama's president! Guess I don't need this diaphragm any more!)

Also included in the article were several non sequiturs, such as:

And in Chicago, where 28-year-old Chip Bouchard—a former Hillary supporter—attended Obama's acceptance speech, he says he looked over at his boyfriend, Chris, and thought: "This [is] the president under whom I [want to] get married and adopt a baby."

It's nice to try and include everyone in this discussion (and yes, euphoria over the Obama election does extend to everyone) but Mr. Bouchard's feelings are irrelevant in terms of explaining a baby boom; any child he decided to have with Chris would, after all, have to be conceived by somebody else.

But then, maybe all that unprotected sex on the night of November 4th (and corresponding unplanned pregnancies) means more babies up for adoption in August.

New Yorker's Hot Air on Poverty

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Things we really don’t like: Articles that pose a question with an obvious answer and then, pretending the answer is not obvious, spend thousands of words arriving at the conclusion we already knew. The New Yorker did this in a recent Annals of Business piece, and then compounded the problem by dangerously confusing economic reality and fantasy.

The article, titled “The Uses of Adversity,” examines that rags-to-riches story of which Americans are so fond, and asks us this question in its subhead: “Can underprivileged outsiders have an advantage?”

Well, yes. Of course. It makes complete sense that children who grow up in financially straitened circumstances sometimes develop greater savvy and skill than their wealthy counterparts. Longtime New Yorker staff writer and big thinker Malcolm Gladwell agrees.

What Gladwell does not do, however, is answer the much more interesting, and complicated, follow-up question, without which his piece is pretty much meaningless: So what?

There's Something About Sarah

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"What is it about Sarah?" muses National Review's Kathryn Jean Lopez in a column with the braggy dateline, "U.S. Virgin Islands" (filing from the National Review post-election cruise where they have "Palin on the brain"), in which Lopez argues that Time should consider Gov. Sarah Palin for its "Person of the Year" cover.

Like the “change” from the Obama campaign slogan embraced by so many, Palin offered something different. For some it was an anti-Washington feel. Many consider her a refreshing citizen-politician in the old mold, one that Thomas Jefferson would be proud to meet. Does that make her just like Obama? I do wonder what the campaign would have been like had they both been at the helm: He wouldn’t have had a monopoly on change, and she would have had her own staff and freedom to follow her instincts, and perhaps better advice than she was given as she ran for vice president.

Should Lopez's words sway you, Time, and you do put Palin on your year-end cover, just don't be stingy with the airbrush (remember UnretouchedCoverPhotoGate?) Or, wait, forget the airbrush. But maybe no extreme closeups. And, vanity lighting, please.

When Opposites Detract

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A country ignores the wishes of the United Nations and continues its human rights abuses. Its behavior is “sanctioned.” Meanwhile, a league bowler rolls a 300, but there’s some question as to whether the game is “sanctioned.”

Ah, the wonders of English, where a single word can carry two totally different meetings.

Or not.

In the first instance, the nation’s actions were bad, violating rules set up to prevent the conduct, and thus subject to penalties. In the second, the bowler is hoping that the game was played within the rules and thus subject to awards.

About the only time “sanction” (as a noun, verb, or other word form) is used in a negative sense is in a legal context. The United Nations imposes “sanctions” as a punishment, and legal documents often speak of “sanctioning” an action, also in the sense of imposing a penalty. (Ecclesiastical use also tends to be negative.) But on occasion, “sanction” appears in a positive legal context, as in a judge who writes that a plaintiff’s conduct was “sanctionable,” meaning within the law. Outside of those contexts, “sanction” usually implies approval, as in “a league-sanctioned event.”

If you take a closer look, however, both uses of “sanction” hew to the same overall definition: subject to the law or regulations that govern the conduct. Context is the key, as it is for so many things. “Sanction” in a negative sense is almost always accompanied by other negative words—punishment, actionable, violation. When it’s used in a positive sense, it almost always stands alone, with no qualitative accompaniments.

“Sanction” started its English life meaning simply “law,” neither for or against. As a noun, it quickly assumed a negative mantle, but not until the middle of the past century did the verb become negative. Still, the positive is inferable in the negative: a “sanction” is imposed to encourage adherence to the law.

Most usage guides recognize the Janus-like nature of “sanction” by including definitions of all stripes. The New Oxford American Dictionary says: “In most domestic contexts, sanction means ‘approval, permission’: voters gave the measure their sanction. In foreign affairs, sanction means ‘penalty, deterrent’: international sanctions against the republic go into effect in January.” Garner’s Modern American Usage says, “In phrases such as give sanction to, the word means ‘approval’ – while issue sanctions against shows disapproval.” The Columbia Guide to Standard American English is more restrictive, and perhaps misguided: “The verb means only ‘to give approval or permission, to support,’ although at one time it also meant ‘to punish.’ Today only the noun has both nearly antithetical senses: ‘approval’ and ‘punishment or penalty.’ Both are Standard, and context must distinguish them.”

If you want to confuse your friends (or enemies), say that you “sanction” the use of nonstandard English. Then stand back and watch the fun.

Face of Foreclosure

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Kudos to The New Yorker's Peter Boyer for going behind the headlines of the Addie Polk (the 90-year-old woman who shot herself when the sheriff came to evict her—story to provide a sensitive, nuanced account of the foreclosure crisis in Akron, Ohio.

What is striking about Addie Polk’s loan is that it wasn’t “predatory,” in the common usage of that term. Her 2004 Countrywide mortgage was a conventional prime loan, with a fixed thirty-year mortgage. In Adair’s view, that makes Addie no less a victim. “Just because Addie Polk’s loan is not an adjustable-rate mortgage,” she said, “the fact that this was someone who had her home paid off and was encouraged to mortgage her home, time after time, without sound lending practices, makes it a predatory loan.”

When Fannie Mae (or its younger cousin, Freddie Mac) bought a loan, it pooled it with other loans and sold it to investors as a security—like a share of stock. These mortgage-backed securities came to be prized by investors, because they were seen as being a safe investment, backed, as they were, by American real estate. As home prices spiralled upward and demand for the securities increased, here and abroad, so did marketplace pressure to create more mortgages. Primary lending institutions were happy to oblige; it’s easier to make a risky loan if it’s going to be bought by Fannie Mae, bundled with other loans, and turned into a security. Whether it got bundled and sold again or stayed on Fannie’s books, Addie Polk’s mortgage almost certainly found its way into someone’s investment portfolio.

Like our own Ryan Chittum's frank piece about his family's foreclosure experience, Boyer provides the shades-of-gray complexity that by-the-numbers reporting often omits.

Ohio has provided such rich fodder for reporting recently—George Packer's excellent piece on undecided voters comes to mind—that perhaps more writers should forgo India's journalistic lure and book a ticket for Akron, not Agra.

More on the so-called (what Megan called "simplistic" and "insulting") "Huxtable Effect" from yesterday's Reliable Sources on CNN.

CNN's Howard Kurtz asked one of his guests, Tara Wall (a CNN contributor and the deputy editorial page editor of the Washington Times), whether she sees what Kurtz calls "this absolute media swoon" over Obama and the Obama family "as being slightly excessive."

WALL: Well, no. You know, it's quite understandable.

And quite frankly, listen, there are, what, almost 70 percent of young people 18 to 29 that voted for Barack Obama. I mean, they are really appealing to, in a sense, this new generation, my generation where we had icons like the Huxtables. Remember the Huxtables, the Huxtable family, "The Cosby Show?"

This is a different kind of Cosby...

How could the media not swoon over -- how could 70 percent of young people not have voted for-- this? This "different kind of Cosby?"

So, with How the Huxtables Helped The Obamas On And Just After Election Day out of the way, how might The Huxtables Effect the way an actual functioning Obama White House is regarded by the press and public?

WALL:...and actually, I think it puts the spotlight on them in a way that gives them an opportunity to show some responsibility as far as being a solid family, not just a solid black family. But I think it sends a message even to the black community, where you have an illegitimate rate about 70 percent among -- you know, within the black community. And you see this solid black family.


He's spoken out about fatherhood initiatives. And I think him delivering that message and them showing this positive family ideal family is a good thing in that regard. And I think if the media focuses on some of those more core issues as it relates to that, that's what's going to propel us forward.

KURTZ: Well, let's put up some pictures of the Huxtables, the famous Bill Cosby television series. And I guess my question is, will the perceptions of the typical African-American family change because we will get to know in a way, a very personal way, this new first family, or will Barack Obama come to be seen like Tiger Woods, which is, you know, after a while you don't even think about race, and therefore it won't really affect the sometimes stereotypical images of blacks in the media?

WALL: Well, I think, first of all, people have to remember, there are a lot of black families that do look like this in America today. I mean, we have evolved. We are not monolithic.

KURTZ: But how much do you see them in the mainstream media, where entertainment, sports figures and people who commit crimes, perhaps, tend to get featured more?

WALL: That's true. And I think to that end, this does send a very positive message as it relates to the black family as being solid and in tact, and a positive force. Eventually, it will evolve to a almost -- yes, we will evolve into a colorblind society, but I think it does send a clear message that this is what can be achieved in America today by anyone...

...with a little help from the Huxtables.

AP Decries Army Photoshopping

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Late Friday night, the Associated Press published an article discussing the digitally altered photos of Gen. Ann E. Dunwoody that had been issued to the media by the Defense Department. The article announced that the AP will no longer use Defense-issued photographs.

The article reads:

The AP said that adjusting photos and other imagery, even for aesthetic reasons, damages the credibility of the information distributed by the military to news organizations and the public.

Santiago Lyon, the AP’s director of photography, said that the AP is “developing procedures to protect against further occurrences” and has discussed the recurring problem with the military.

The Army’s Media Relations Chief, Col. Cathy Abbott, told the AP that the Army did not violate its policy “that prohibits the cropping or editing of a photo to misrepresent the facts or change the circumstances of an event.” Abbott, though, did not know who was responsible for the changes, or which office released the photo in question.

The altered photo of Dunwoody, released on Thursday night, depicted the general in front of a super-imposed American flag backdrop, with significant airbrushing done on Dunwoody herself. Her rank, which is displayed on the front of the soldier’s tunic, is not visible.

Abbott, however, says the Army isn’t “misrepresenting her [Dunwoody]” since “the image is still clearly Gen. Dunwoody.” (Guess that silly Army photo policy really isn’t all that important.)

The original photo, according to the AP, features the general at a desk with a bookshelf and credenza behind her. Unlike in the altered photo, the markings of Dunwoody’s rank prior to her promotion on Friday – three stars for lieutenant general – are visible.

More on this here and here.

Excluded Voices

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The health care discussion of the past year has been remarkable for the narrow range of ideas and opinions that have floated down to the man on the street. Looking back, it appears that journalists have sought out the same organizations and sources to build and shape their stories, offering up what has become the conventional wisdom for reform. To bring more voices into the conversation, our new series, Excluded Voices, will intermittently feature health care experts people who haven’t been on the media’s A-list of sources. We want to offer journalists more options for their stories and encourage a deeper discussion. To that end, we’ve asked the experts featured in each post to respond to questions from Campaign Desk readers.

In mid-October, the Philadelphia Inquirer ran an op-ed by Yale professors Theodore Marmor and Jerry Mashaw. The headline, “Health-care plans familiar; Obama and McCain fall into old traps when it comes to financing,” intrigued me—and so did the commentary. “American health policy debates have for some time been dominated by technical fixes, faddish nostrums and gimmicks. The news cycle of commentary about reform ideas is both brief and superficial,” they wrote. I know Marmor, who has also written a classic text on the politics of Medicare, and asked him to elaborate on the points he made in the op-ed—points not being made elsewhere.

Trudy Lieberman: Would you say that your op-ed is bringing a different voice to the debate?

Theodore Marmor: We have a distinctive social insurance voice that has been underrepresented in American public discourse. Social insurance programs in the U.S. are widely popular in a superficial way. You have popularity without understanding. If you were having this conversation in Berlin or Paris, people would easily know what we’re talking about. They wouldn’t use the word “entitlement” as a budget term but a as a social and cultural understanding of the obligation to pay and the obligation to receive when eligible

TL: How has this year’s discussion of health care and possibly next year’s been a rerun of 1993-94, when the Clintons came in with grandiose plans for reform?

TM: Of course, it’s not identical, but the parallels are stunning. The Democrats are all embracing a variant of what we called “pay or play” plans that require employers to provide insurance or pay into a fund to support people buying on their own. The Republicans are all pro-market enthusiasts with more or less commitment to tax credits that permit some expansion of access to care. The variant on this year’s offering is a public plan (promoted by Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton) that over time through competition its advocates hope will become the dominant plan.

TL: What has been missing in this year’s debate?

TM: It’s very different from the debate that occurred from 1989 to 1993, when there was a lot of talk about what we could learn about health care in other industrial democracies. This year’s discussion of that has been anemic.

TL: Why is the debate no better than last time?

TM: A set of analysts have had a mistaken understanding of why the Clinton plan failed. Apparently there is polling data showing that the loss of choice of peoples’ insurance plan explains the loss of support for the Clinton proposals. Pollster interpretation has generated Washington-based wisdom that Americans got scared of losing their employer-provided health insurance, and that’s why they turned away from the Clinton plan. People did fear a big change that they didn’t understand, but that has been reinvented to mean that they are devoted to their employer’s health plan. It’s like equating it to that old saw that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush except that the bush is fraying at the edges and is disappearing for many. It’s literally idiotic to suggest that the choice of insurance plan rather than the choice of provider is paramount in peoples’ minds. During the campaign, choice of plan became the most important issue as evidenced by Obama’s slogan that if you like your insurance, you can keep it.

TL: Will a public plan work as advocates envision it will?

TM: If it were possible to get enough political agreement to get an attractive public plan to dominate, it would really be possible to get something more straightforward. Supporters have a naïve but earnest hope that a “Medicare-like” public plan will be a stepping stone to a dominant public program for most Americans. Those who oppose it will fight like hell to make sure that the stepping stone does not become that attractive.

TL: What are the elements that will make or break a public plan?

TM: Whether the benefits are sufficiently broad to improve on the health care misery that’s out there now; whether they will be simple enough to understand; whether the financing can be managed to account for all the sick people who would join; whether doctors come to see it as a program they can live with more easily than private insurance; whether it will eliminate Medicare’s rigidity in solving problems by formulas rather than by negotiation; whether many more sick people will come to the public plan, making it cost more per capita and thereby less financially attractive than the private alternatives.

TL: Why isn’t Medicare for all being more widely discussed?

TM: It’s too easily a caricature for socialized medicine even though Medicare itself is a popular program. It’s a paradox. To ideological critics, it also represents a tax increase. But ironically, the financial meltdown and the expansion of the government’s role in financial regulation might actually provide an opportunity to open up the discussion in two strategic ways: expanding Medicare incrementally to those between ages fifty-five and sixty-five and adding newly disenfranchised retirees like the auto workers who will lose their health coverage at the end of the year. The second would be a dramatic, one-time chance to expand it to everyone and save the difference in administrative costs between Medicare, which runs about 3 percent, and private coverage, which runs about 13 percent. That is the dirty little secret of Medicare-for-all’s financial advantage.

TL: Is health information technology the new savior for controlling costs, as many have suggested?

TM: It’s an example of wishful thinking on the part of virtuous activists who are mismatched with the problem of cost control. No other industrialized democracy has hit a cost control home run with information technology, and it’s provincial of us to think so. Health information technology may or may not be helpful in other areas like improving care, but it’s not helpful in this one. And it might cost a fortune and become a boondoggle.

TL: What is necessary to control costs?

TM: To control the costs of medical care, you have to constrain the price of medical services, the number of those services, or a combination. The average price of medical services times the volume of those services equals the total of national medical expenditures. That tells you cost control must be controversial. The reason we don’t talk about it is because there will be losers. Cost control requires that there will be financial losers.

TL: What will it take to change the terms of today’s health care conversation?

TM: In my judgment, it would take the president of the United States to lead a fundamental re-examination of the presently limited debate over health care reform.

Kroft's First Crack

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And the first post-election television interview with President-Elect Barack Obama went to Steve Kroft of CBS News's 60 Minutes. It aired last night.

What did the Obama camp hope to get out of this specific sit-down? Some possible hints, per the AP:

Linda Douglass, a former television journalist who was a spokeswoman for Obama's campaign, said she wasn't a part of the decision to give Kroft the first television interview. But she said Obama feels like Kroft asks intelligent questions that allow him to get a message across.

And, what was Kroft hoping to achieve?

Before he left, Kroft was taking suggestions for questions from around 60 Minutes. He said he wanted to strike a balance between making news and probing the human side about how Obama's life had changed.

"Probing the human side?" Check. (Kroft: "What was your conversation like the next morning at the breakfast table with the kids?" and "How are things coming on the dog front?" and "Do you have a special transition team for the dog?")

"Making news?" Check.

What that "news" was? Eye of the beholder.

If it's the New York Post doing the beholding, the headline is: "O: WATCH YOUR BACK, BIN LADEN" (in reference to Obama telling Kroft, "I think capturing or killing bin Laden is a critical aspect of stamping out al Qaeda.")

Kansas City Star sports writer Blair Kerkhoff led with something else:

Not to question the interviewing skills of 60 Minutes reporter Steve Kroft, but a few follow-ups were needed after his final query to president-elect Barack Obama on Sunday’s show. For the second time in two weeks, Obama said he supported a college football playoff.

Kerkhoff provides several potential follow-ups, "if Obama wanted to do this news-conference style."

At one point during Kroft's interview, Obama, too, seemed to want to offer Kroft some reporting advice ("intelligent quetions," you say?).

KROFT: There's been a lot of talk about [that] you talked about your mother-in-law. Is she moving in with you?

OBAMA: Well, I don't tell my mother-in-law what to do. But I'm not stupid. That's why I got elected president, man.

KROFT: She can if she wants to.

OBAMA: But, she sure can if she wants. I think it's fair to say that Marian Robinson is one of the unsung heroes of this campaign. We couldn't have done it without her. 'Cause she retired, looked after the girls, gave Michelle confidence that somebody was gonna be there when Michelle was on the road.

She's just been an unbelievable support for all of us during this process. And you know, she likes her own space, you know. She doesn't like a lot of fuss around her. And, like it or not, there's some fuss in the White House. But we hope that she comes.

KROFT: So you have a new dog and your mother-in-law moving in.

OBAMA: Steve, I'm not gonna compare my mother-in-law to a new dog.

KROFT: You’re much more excited about your mother-in-law

OBAMA:How do you get in long with your mother-in-law man? You know, the way these questions are going I think I need to give you some tips.

KROFT: We get along fine.

Behold (the full interview) for yourself:

The Journal is good today in writing on how higher health-care costs, exacerbated by the financial crisis, are hitting small businesses.

The paper nicely explains why premiums are rising sharply and illustrates the impact well. This paragraph neatly sums up, in an anecdote about one small firm, a lot of what’s wrong in our health-care system.

After no increase last year, E.CAB's premiums jumped 75% to about $6,800 a month when its annual Blue Cross Blue Shield of Florida policy came up for renewal this month. Much of the jump was triggered by the hiring of a few older workers by the 25-employee firm, pushing it into a higher-cost actuarial bracket. E.CAB couldn't get a better price from rival insurers.

The market is telling businesses to hire fresh-faced youngsters and leave older applicants out. If you think this doesn’t have a broadly negative effect on the job market for middle-aged folks, you’re crazy. One market is distorting another.

And it has an effect on the broader economy. The extra money spent by E.CAB can’t go back into the business:

Rather than pass the cost on to his employees, who aren't required to contribute premiums for themselves though they do for family members, Mr. Lance said he's forgoing new wood-cutting equipment he had planned to purchase.

And Mr. Lance’s employees are the lucky ones.

All (Remaining) Hands On Deck

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"Newspapers confront tall, menacing seas in the coming year," writes the New York Times' David Carr today, "but it is a sure bet that the ones that dump the ablest hands on deck will be among the first to sink below the waves."

Writes Carr:

Every day, Romenesko... is rife with news of layoffs at newspapers, most of the time featuring some important, trusted names. It is not the young fresh faces that are getting whacked — they come cheap — but themost experienced, proven people in the room, the equivalent of the sales clerk who could walk you through a thicket of widescreen television choices to the one that actually works for you.

Using clerks as an analogue may not be the most flattering comparison, but I have always thought of journalism as more craft than profession and tell students that it is the accumulation of experience and technique that makes a journalist valuable, not some ineffable beckoning of the muse.

Carr also cites two people who heard Sam Zell, of the Tribune Company, speak at a conference last week, and "were appalled by [Zell's] disregard for his newspapers" and Zell's suggestion "that newsrooms were just so much overhead and that what was ailing the industry was overweening journalistic ambition."

Spitzer Reappears

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Eliot Spitzer came out of hiding yesterday to suggest some remedies for Wall Street. Good for the Washington Post for running his op-ed.

Of course, the WSJ edit page is shocked (shocked!) he’s shown his face and rushes to denounce him:

Shame is fleeting in modern America, so it was probably inevitable that Eliot Spitzer would seek to return as an arbiter of everyone else's moral behavior. But even we have to admit to being a little surprised by the rapidity and audacity of his attempted self-rehabilitation, courtesy of an op-ed in Sunday's Washington Post. This guy makes Bill Lerach seem remorseful.
.

The guy illegally paid for sex, he didn’t take kickbacks from Wall Street or anything. His condemnations of prostitution rings might not hold water anymore, but his thoughts on finance are still worth hearing.

For example, here is some wisdom you’ll never read in a Journal editorial:

The reality is that unregulated competition drives corporate behavior and risk-taking to unacceptable levels. This is simply one of the ways in which some market participants try to gain a competitive advantage. As one lawyer for a company charged with malfeasance stated in a meeting in my office (amazingly, this was intended as a winning defense): "You're right about our behavior, but we're not as bad as our competitors."

No major market problem has been resolved through self-regulation, because individual competitive behavior doesn't concern itself with the larger market. Individual actors care only about performing better than the next guy, doing whatever is permitted — or will go undetected. Look at the major bubbles and market crises. Long-Term Capital Management, Enron, the subprime lending scandals: All are classic demonstrations of the bitter reality that greed, not self-discipline, rules where unfettered behavior is allowed.

Those who truly understand economics, as did Adam Smith, do not preach an absence of government participation. A market doesn't exist in a vacuum. Rather, a market is a product of laws, rules and enforcement. It needs transparency, capital requirements and fidelity to fiduciary duty. The alternative, as we are seeing, is anarchy.

The Journal puts the Goldman bonus news—its top seven executives aren’t taking one—on page one.

The decision at Goldman doesn't mean everyone at the firm will go home empty-handed. The firm still has to reward its roughly 30,000 employees. Distinctions are being made between the highest-ranking executives and lower-level traders and investment bankers, according to people familiar with the matter. Many of these employees performed well in 2008 despite the market turmoil, these people say, but could get plucked away by rival firms if compensation practices are significantly altered.

These employees are probably happy to have jobs and there’s probably not too much plucking away going on these days, or is it just me? The press ought to be more skeptical of that self-serving argument. And with profits way down, the stock off 60 percent, and the company’s business model forever busted, saying the firm “has to” give bonuses to employees seems wrong.

The Journal inexplicably doesn’t mention that Wall Street’s compensation culture of big bonuses is a likely cause of its demise because it encouraged outsized risk-taking with little downside since risk was largely taken on by public shareholders in the last couple of decades instead of partners. The Times points that out at least:

There is a widespread belief that the way Wall Street awarded bonuses in recent years helped feed the risky behavior that eventually created big losses on exotic debt securities and helped create the current crisis.

And the FT hints at it, but doesn’t quite get there:

Last week, US banking regulators warned banks that compensation structures should be in the “long-term prudential interests of the institution”.

Bloomberg totally misses it.

Which Came First, Newsweek?

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The headline or ... oh, you know it was the headline. "Change You Can Conceive In" (with subhed, "Could euphoric Obama fans be sparking a baby boom?")

Well, could they? After all, Newsweek finds, "anecdotal evidence abounds..." (Yes, the reporter trolled Craigslist for some of said evidence).

The Times on Phil Gramm's Folly

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The New York Times takes an in-depth look at the discredited former senator, current UBS banker/lobbyist, and deregulator extraordinaire Phil Gramm’s role in creating the financial crisis.

Gramm talked to the Times but maybe should have pleaded the Fifth—his self-defense is weaker than water:

Mr. Gramm, ever the economics professor, disputes his critics’ analysis of the causes of the upheaval. He asserts that swaps, by enabling companies to insure themselves against defaults, have diminished, not increased, the effects of the declining housing markets.

“This is part of this myth of deregulation,” he said in the interview. “By and large, credit-default swaps have distributed the risks. They didn’t create it. The only reason people have focused on them is that some politicians don’t know a credit-default swap from a turnip.”

Swaps distributed the risks all right. They distributed them so far and wide that nobody knows where they are, which is why no financial institution trusts any other one now.

The Times has some background that I hadn’t read before.

From 1999 to 2001, Congress first considered steps to curb predatory loans — those that typically had high fees, significant prepayment penalties and ballooning monthly payments and were often issued to low-income borrowers. Foreclosures on such loans were on the rise, setting off a wave of personal bankruptcies.

But Mr. Gramm did everything he could to block the measures. In 2000, he refused to have his banking committee consider the proposals, an intervention hailed by the National Association of Mortgage Brokers as a “huge, huge step for us.”

A year later, he objected again when Democrats tried to stop lenders from being able to pursue claims in bankruptcy court against borrowers who had defaulted on predatory loans.

And check this out:

Once again, he succeeded in putting off consideration of lending restrictions. His opposition infuriated consumer advocates. “He wouldn’t listen to reason,” said Margot Saunders of the National Consumer Law Center. “He would not allow himself to be persuaded that the free market would not be working.”

Speaking at a bankers’ conference that month, Mr. Gramm said the problem of predatory loans was not of the banks’ making. Instead, he faulted “predatory borrowers.” The American Banker, a trade publication, later reported that he was greeted “like a conquering hero.”

Of course he was. And good for the Times for pointing this out:

Mr. Gramm, now 66, who declined to discuss his compensation at UBS, picked an opportune moment to move to Wall Street. Major financial institutions, including UBS, were growing, partly as a result of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act.

Increasingly, institutions were trading the derivatives instruments that Mr. Gramm had helped escape the scrutiny of regulators. UBS was collecting hundreds of millions of dollars from credit-default swaps.

Hillary Clinton: Soon to be Madame Secretary? The speculation--following Andrea Mitchell's breaking of the Obama's-considering-Clinton news yesterday--has been rampant. The Huffington Post's Nico Pitney, citing "two senior Democratic officials," is reporting that Obama has, indeed, offered his former rival the Secretary of State position. The Washington Post's Anne Kornblut, citing "several people involved in the process," reports more modestly that Clinton "is now considered a top contender for the role of Secretary of State in the Obama administration." The New York Times's Jackie Calmes, even more modestly, reports that, as of Friday afternoon, "it was unclear how seriously Mr. Obama was considering bringing Mrs. Clinton, his onetime rival for the Democratic presidential nomination, into his cabinet."

So uncertainty feeds frenzy, and frenzy feeds humor. Making the following line, which Clinton trotted out at a conference hosted by the New York Public Transit Association earlier today--a conference attended, for, um, some reason, by "a couple dozen reporters and photographers"--extra-humorous: "I have to start by saying I’m very happy there is so much press attention and interest in transit,” Clinton joked.

Photoshop, Part III

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This afternoon, CJR received a tip from Deputy Director of Photography at the San-Antonio Express-News, Bob Owen, alerting us to the occurrence of yet another episode (Remember this?) of photo alteration by the U.S. Army.

CJR contacted the AP’s Director of Photography, Santiago Lyon, who told us to keep an eye out for an AP story to be released sometime later this afternoon.

The photo in question—this time around—is of General Ann E. Dunwoody, who today became the first female ever to be appointed a four-star general.

Owen came across the photo of Dunwoody last night after it was released to the AP newswire. It “looked fishy” to him, Owen wrote in an e-mail to CJR.

“I did a little snooping on the Web and found the original photo of Gen. Dunwoody,” Owen wrote. “Sure enough, someone cut the background and replaced it with old glory. But, they didn’t stop there. They took about twenty years off her face.”

After Owen called the AP’s New York bureau, the AP issued the elimination on the photo. According to Owen, the Army issued a “real” photograph of Dunwoody this morning.

On the Army’s Web site, though, there is no record of the doctored photograph.

CJR contacted the Army’s Army Materiel Command—a branch of the Army that supplies weapons and equipment, among performing other duties—whose byline appears on the Army’s story on Dunwoody. The AMC, however, has yet to comment on the matter.

We’ll keep you updated on this developing story.

The Conflict in the Congo

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The ethnic and political free-for-all in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has raged for over a decade, and has pitted over a half-dozen countries and numerous other paramilitary and militia groups against each other. An estimated five million people have been killed in the conflict.

In mid-October of this year, the UN brokered a tenuous cease-fire between the Congolese government and rebel leaders. A week later, that case-fire fell apart. And on October 24, Congolese rebels, led by General Laurent Nkunda, renewed fighting in the DRC's eastern province of North Kivu.

This is a big story--a story deserving of front-page, in-depth coverage. Instead, we've gotten broad and relatively short articles on the subject buried in our newspapers of record. On November 10, The New York Times reported on the most recent of the conflicts between rebels and government-backed militias in Eastern Congo. But the piece did little to demystify the conflict. Take this paragraph about the DRC's latest cassus belli:

Local Mai-Mai militias, who are aligned with the Congolese government and see themselves as protectors of their land, ambushed rebel soldiers with assault rifles. Several dozen men from the two sides then battled each other at close range, Colonel Dietrich said.

Readers wondering exactly who the Mai-Mai are (other than "protectors of their land," apparently)--why they're fighting the government, what they want, and how they've managed to displace a quarter-million people in the past few weeks--are given some help a few paragraphs down. But, at that, not much:

There are dozens of local militias in eastern Congo who call themselves Mai-Mai, a reference to a belief in spiritual powers, such as holy oil and amulets, which the fighters often wear in battle.

United Nations officials have said that Mai-Mai fighters are getting increasingly aggressive, in contrast to Congolese troops who seem to have calmed down.

"The government wants to stick to the agreement," Colonel Dietrich said. But, he added, "the Mai-Mai seem to be getting frustrated. This is a problem."

Now, this is slightly insulting to the Mai-Mai, whose ugly, decade-long war belies the seemly disorganized "dozens of local militias" characterization. But it's even more insulting to readers. If these disparate "dozens of local militias" have gotten universally more "aggressive," there is, assumedly, some kind of political or military development spurring them forward.

There is, but you'd have to be a pretty astute reader of the Times's international page to know what it is. On November 3, Jeffrey Gettleman took a close look at the regional implications of renewed violence in Eastern Congo. In discussing Nkunda, he effectively distilled the causes of one of the most complicated conflicts on earth down to a few paragraphs:

Congo analysts say that Mr. Nkunda may have some legitimate political goals — and Congolese ones at that. For starters, he seems determined to eliminate the Hutu death squads who participated in the massacre of 800,000 people in Rwanda in 1994 and then fled into Congo, where they continue to brutalize with impunity. The Congolese government has promised to disarm the squads. But the rebels — and many Western diplomats — say the government is actually giving the Hutu death squads guns.

"The Congolese Army is working hand in hand with these killers," said Babu Amani, a spokesman for the rebels.

The rebels want to play a bigger role in governing eastern Congo and even possibly to carve the territory into ethnic fiefs.

The rest of the article is no less sobering, and the Congo is apparently so dysfunctional that a jolting bit about a rebel takeover of a UN base is given only parenthetical treatment. If this doesn't represent "the brink"—and if Congo is really "on the brink again"—then the Times or some other paper with a large foreign press corps should run a page-one story explaining exactly how the "Great African War" has gotten to this point, and where it appears to be going.

Such a story should also look at how the Obama administration plans on dealing with problems as dire but apparently intractable as the situation in the Congo—the next time the President-Elect talks to reporters, I'd like to see one of them ask him whether he supports the prospect of EU peacekeepers being dispatched to the region. Even a question on where the Congo ranks in his short-term foreign policy priorities would give the issue more prominence than it's thus far received in the American press. But with articles on the subject both vague and buried in our papers, don't count on it.

News outlets should also strive to emulate the BBC. On November 11, the British outlet posted an on-location interview with rebel leader Laurent Nkunda, which gave readers and listeners an unmistakable sense of the stakes involved in the struggle:

I asked General Nkunda if he was seriously suggesting that he would take over the whole of Congo.

Peering through his thin-rimed spectacles, the tall ethnic Tutsi general stared at me for a moment and bluntly replied: "Of course."

Dear Robin Givhan...

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...and, for that matter, any other fashion critics looking for another angle on The Obamas' Clothing Choices and What They Mean: We have a story idea for you!

Does today's much-circulated NASA image--which, as Curtis noted on The Observatory, "may be be the first photograph of a planet outside our solar system"--remind you of something? Say, a much-discussed and much-derided dress worn last week by a certain soon-to-be First Lady?


Discuss. In, say, 800 to 1,000 or so words. (And, for the idea: You. Are. Welcome.)

The Changing Media Landscape 2008

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On Tuesday, November 11, Columbia's Journalism School convened its annual "Changing Media Landscape" panel to discuss the current state of the news media and the direction it will take in the future. Participants--Sewell Chan, editor of The New York Times's City Room blog; Jacob Weisberg, chairman of Slate; Erica Smith, news designer of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and the Paper Cuts blog; Adriano Farano, executive editor of CafeBabel.com; and David Cohn, founder of the crowd-funding investigative platform Spot.us--found both reasons to be hopeful and reasons to be vigilant.

One reason to be vigilant, according to Weisberg: "New media and the traditional media are diverging rapidly after a period of peaceful coexistence,” he said. “We are moving into a conflict model.”

One reason to be hopeful, though, is that conflict often leads to innovation. “Finally, experimentation is being embraced,” Cohn said. “We should think of it as research and development; journalism will survive on the shoulders of its failures.”

Listen to the discussion here.

Joe the Plumber's latest small business? Apparently: himself. JTP's deeply researched, carefully edited, thoughtful, and not at all hastily-put-together-to-capitalize-on-his-media-celebrity-before-it-expires treatise on The American Dream--written "with" spiritual novelist Thomas N. Tabback--is slated to be released December 1. Yes, of this year.

Oh, and it will be titled, humbly and rather delightfully, Joe the Plumber: Fighting for the American Dream.

To celebrate--and to ensure that copies of the book are sold!--YOU THE PEOPLE can now obtain a Freedom Membership from Joe's hastily-put-together-to-capitalize-on-his-media-celebrity-before-it-expires Web site, SecureOurDream.com. The Membership, like Freedom itself, ain't free...but the $14.95 yearly fee practically pays for itself! With it, you'll get:

1) Total Access to "Joe The Forum" where you may chat directly with Joe
2) Subscription to the "Joe The Blog" monthly newsletter
3) Free Shipping on all "Joe The Plumber" merchandise
4) Free Signed Copy of Joe's forthcoming book "Joe The Plumber" - Fighting for the American Dream
5) Become an integral part of an American movement to restore our government to the people

Now, the mere promise of seeing what a blog looks like as a monthly newsletter is probably reason enough to pay $14.95. As is the opportunity to restore our government to the people, and everything. But, me, I'll wait to give over my credit card number until Joe gets around to filling the currently empty-except-for-the-book "Shop Joe" section of SecureOurDream.com. NB, JTP: Once your Freedom Membership includes a Limited Edition Joe the Plumber Commemorative $1 Coin, Layered in Genuine 24-Karat Gold, my $14.95 will be yours.

Recommended Radio

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If you've never listened to WNYC's Radiolab, today is a good day to get on the bandwagon because the new season of this fun, funny, fascinating, innovative, interesting show starts today. You can listen to the streaming episode at 3 p.m.

If you're still on the fence, listen to my favorite Radiolab segment, the secret history of a box of letters found on the side of the road, and get hooked.

Science Reporting by Press Release

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A dirty little secret of journalism has always been the degree to which some reporters rely on press releases and public relations offices as sources for stories. But recent newsroom cutbacks and increased pressure to churn out online news have given publicity operations even greater prominence in science coverage.

“What is distressing to me is that the number of science reporters and the variety of reporting is going down. What does come out is more and more the direct product of PR shops,” said Charles Petit, a veteran science reporter and media critic, in an interview. Petit has been running MIT’s online Knight Science Journalism Tracker since 2006, where he has posted more than 4,000 critiques involving approximately 20,000 articles. He is concerned that science news “spoon-fed” directly to the media through well-written press releases and handouts has “become a powerful subversive tool eroding the chance that reporters will craft their own stories.” In some cases the line between news story and press release has become so blurred that reporters are using direct quotes from press releases in their stories without acknowledging the source.

This week, Petit criticized a Salt Lake Tribune article for doing just that. In an article about skepticism surrounding the discovery of alleged dinosaur tracks in Arizona, the reporter had lifted one scientist’s quote verbatim from a University of Utah press release as if it had come from an interview. “This quote is not id’d as, but is, provided by the press release,” Petit wrote in his critique. “If a reporter doesn’t hear it with his or her own ears, or is merely confirming what somebody else reported first, a better practice is to say so.”

Increasingly, however, institutional news offices from universities, government research agencies, and corporations are putting out large press packages that provide well-written press releases, graphics, and even video in a form that can be used directly by news outlets that are hungry for stories but lack the resources, time, and/or experience to do more thorough reporting.

“The trend is that more and more media use press releases not just as fodder but as the source of whole explanatory segments and quotes in their stories,” said Dennis Meredith, the former head of Duke University’s science press office. He, too, has seen a number of reporters lift quotes directly from press releases and plug them into stories without attribution, a practice he called “absolutely unethical.”

Ron Winslow, a senior health reporter and editor at The Wall Street Journal, said he uses press releases as a “way to judge the news value” of a story and decide whether to pursue it. He thought it permissible “to use a quote from a press release if you're short on time and can't reach someone.” In that case, he stressed that it was imperative to attribute the quote to an institutional statement or release, not pass it off as independent reporting.

Part of the problem is that the balance of power has shifted. Institutional publicity operations are becoming more sophisticated at the same time that newsrooms are decimating the ranks of fulltime specialty science staff. Many science reporters are left scrambling to find work as freelance or public-information writers.

“Press releases now have all of the features of a full-blown story,” said Petit, who spent more than thirty years as a science reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle and U.S. News & World Report before moving to the Knight Science Journalism Tracker. In the past, releases were often sent out in the form of tip sheets or backgrounders for reporters to follow-up on. That kind of press release still exists — Petit cited an example of one in a post yesterday about preliminary research using brain stimulation to treat Obsessive Compulsive Disorder — but now, many press officers are practically competing with journalists by turning out tempting releases that are a shade away from the finished product.

In a recent media panel at the annual meeting of the National Association of Science Writers, Petit cited instances in which clever press releases have propelled ho-hum science stories into must-read stories. One example was another University of Utah press release titled “Living fossils have hot sex,” about the mating habits of primitive plants called cycads that most people would not find all that sexy. Petit noted how closely many of the media outlets, particularly those from overseas, came to copying the press release language (and one another) instead of creating their own original headlines: “Primitive plants have hot, stinky sex,” reported Reuters; “Ancient plant has hot, stinky sex,” wrote New Scientist; “Plants enjoy hot, smelly sex in the tropics,” announced ABC (Australia).

The hot-sex press release was written by Lee J. Siegel, who joined the University of Utah’s public relations office eight years ago after a long science journalism career with The Associated Press and Salt Lake Tribune. Siegel said this week in a telephone interview that he, too, is concerned that “some news services just rewrite the press releases without interviewing anyone and don’t make clear the story is from a news release.” He’s seen the most egregious examples online: “Any Tom, Dick, or Harry can put news on a Web site these days, so it is not surprising to see news standards going down the tube.”

Siegel also said that the case of the recent Salt Lake Tribune story about the dinosaur tracks, which used a quote from the press release he wrote, was unfortunate because the rest of the story was well done and included interviews with other scientists. “Even an otherwise talented reporter slides down the slippery slope now and then,” said Siegel.

But the slope seems to be getting more slippery, especially on the already treacherous terrain of medical and health reporting, which the public increasingly relies upon for personal health decisions. Craig Stolz, a former Washington Post health editor who appeared on the NASW science-writing panel with Petit, has seen a lot of questionable reporting in this area while working for Health News Review, a foundation-supported Web site that “grades” health reporting from major print and television outlets. At the panel, he cited the example of a Los Angeles Times article about a journal study of a new drug for aggressive prostate cancer. Health News Review concluded that the article had overstated how soon the drug would become “widely available” based on a quote from the lead researcher, found in the press release, whose work is supported by the drug’s maker. It also criticized the Times for using two quotes from a patient that were identical to those in the press release: “It most certainly should not have taken quotes from a patient directly from a press release. That is inexcusable.”

“The problem is worsening,” agreed Paul Costello, who heads the Stanford University School of Medicine communications and public affairs office. He said that the “shift to new media Web site traffic” is putting added pressure on reporters, leading some to cut corners in the name of more copy, “often writing right off press releases, even at the good papers.”

“By no means should press releases be passed off as news stories. A news release can be a parochial statement by an institution that does not necessarily have critical viewpoints,” said Meredith, who is currently finishing a book about “Explaining Research.” He also noted that public-affairs offices vary greatly in their approaches. Some are largely “sales reps that see their jobs as selling the institution as a commodity.” Others, fortunately, hire “good public information science journalists who recognize the importance of credibility and see their role as presenting the science in as accurate and precise a way as they can.”

“The idea that reporters won’t quote from press releases has evaporated from the business,” lamented Petit. He added that “there is still excellent reporting from the usual suspects like the AP and The New York Times,” and that prize-winning series—the “glamour stories of journalism”—are still around. But “what has changed the most are the meat-and-potatoes daily stories. Those are the stories the public sees.”

Fortunately, thanks to a growing number of science press criticism Web sites and blogs, science journalism is itself coming under the microscope.

The Art of the Fake Correction

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The groups responsible for this week’s fake edition of The New York Times took great care to produce a newspaper that looked like the real thing. They mimicked the paper’s fonts and layout, included an imagined column by Thomas Friedman, and even launched an accompanying website. Regular Times readers also experienced the familiar sensation of finding corrections tucked away in the front section. Here’s one of the spoof corrections:

The Times apologizes for under-reporting the effects and dangers of media consolidation, perhaps due to our own efforts at media consolidation: The Times owns almost two dozen regional newspapers, a number of television and radio stations, and partial shares in the Red Sox and the Discovery Channel. We now recognize this conflict of interest. No newspaper should concern itself with maximizing profits, and the paper of record should be held to an even higher standard than the rest of the publishing industry. Over the next two months, The Times will voluntarily trust-bust itself, thus contributing to the independence of American journalism.

Yes, even the fake corrections were kept on message. (The other offerings dealt with media accountability, the death toll in Iraq, editorial independence, and the environment.) In the past, those who have dreamed up corrections have taken a less serious approach. The Stranger, a weekly in Seattle, ended 2003 by publishing a series of corrections for things that weren’t exactly factual errors:

David Schmader, associate editor of The Stranger, regrets that dogs and cats are no longer allowed to behave like normal dogs and cats in television commercials, but are forced via computer graphics to breakdance or lip-synch or both.

Charles Mudede regrets that booze has ruined his marriage, placed him deeper into debt, and delivered several blows to his health; yet even now, as he writes this sentence, all he can think about is his first drink of the day, which will be at lunchtime and probably red wine.

The paper did the same thing a year later:

The Stranger regrets that the word "ubiquitous" appeared at least 23 times in The Stranger in 2004.

When he was editing Forbes FYI, novelist and newly minted conservative traitor Christopher Buckley also turned to fake corrections:

Due to a computer error, FYI’s special issue on the 2000 Presidential election was published in Tagalog. An English version is being prepared for publication.

The cover article in the July issue, "Now Is the Time to Load up on Tech Stocks," incorrectly stated the actual right time. The time to buy tech stocks was July 1999, not 2001.

More recent examples come from this year’s seventy-fifth anniversary issue of Esquire. The magazine used the correction format to poke fun at some of its famous stories, subjects and photographs. These are more akin to stand-up comedy corrections:

The caption of the era-defining photograph “Harlem 1958,” published in January 1959, contained an error. The photo does not include fifty-seven of the greatest names in jazz but some folks hanging out by the 125th Street subway stop during a train delay. We regret the error.

Due to a copy editor’s misunderstanding, the headline of Tom Wolfe’s November 1963 feature “There goes (VAROOM! VAROOM!) that Kandy Kolored (THPHHHHHH!) tangerine-flake streamline baby (RAHGHHHH!) around the bend (BRUMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM. . . . . .” was misprinted. The correct headline was “Crrazy Kids and Their Crrazy Cars.”

EDITOR’S NOTE AND A CLARIFICATION:
For the last couple of years, our cover models have stood in front of the words, blocking them and making them difficult to read. They should have been told to take a few steps to the left or right.

Also, Frank Sinatra had chlamydia.

Good night, folks!

Correction of the Week

In our November 3 issue, we suggested that the actress Kelly Reilly was having a relationship with Guy Ritchie.

It is now clear from the further information that we have received that Ms. Reilly is engaged and there is and has been no romantic relationship between Kelly Reilly and Guy Ritchie. We apologize for any embarrassment caused to Ms. Reilly in our original report. – Us Weekly

Death by Media

Jimmy Carl Black obituary: The obituary of musician Jimmy Carl Black in Thursday’s California section said he married a German woman after his first wife died. His first wife, Loretta, whom he divorced, is alive. – Los Angeles Times

Parting Shot

Due to an editing error, an article and caption in yesterday’s Herald misstated the event captured in a 1976 photo. An American flag was aimed to spear the man in the photo, but he was not stabbed by the flagpole. The Herald regrets the error. – Boston Herald

The Journal reports that state regulators are considering lowering the reserve requirements for life-insurance companies to ease the financial pressures on them. But that just transfers risk to the consumers the policies are supposed to be covering.

Ms. Voss says NAIC's leadership generally agrees with the American Council of Life Insurers, which submitted the proposals this week, that the conservative accounting used for regulatory purposes contains reserve redundancies, and some could be eliminated without hurting policyholders.

"This isn't a change in the rules in the middle of the game" but "carburetor adjustments" needed because of the market collapse and which would be "prudent from a regulatory standpoint," said ACLI Senior Vice President Bruce Ferguson.

Scott Robinson, a senior credit officer at Moody's Investors Service, estimated that insurers in the U.S. may need "in excess of $10 billion" in additional capital if they aim to maintain current risk-based-capital levels, a key measure of financial stability, though the total depends on market levels and other variables.

If the industry's capital requirements were good enough when times were good, they ought to be good enough when times are bad.

Okay, so thanks to Pew, we know that only 23 percent of Americans plan to keep their hot-ticket November 5 newspaper editions for posterity. If you're in that 77 percent of people, though, who didn't get papers on the 5th, or who didn't didn't have time to wait in line to buy the reprints on the 6th, or who think that everyone seems to be making way too big a deal over this pulp and ink stuff -- well, don't despair! You, too, can Own A Piece of History, courtesy of your ever-entrepreneurial newspapers of record!

For a price, of course.

The New York Times Store is currently selling reprints of its iconic OBAMA papers for $14.95 (though "FREE Ground shipping within the Continental United States is included in the purchase price"!). If your tastes run higher-end, the Store also offers a framed, 18-by-24-inch version of its November 5 paper for $184.95 (sorry: regular shipping rates apply!). If you prefer a more practical Piece of History, you can buy a pair of "Obama victory" ceramic mugs--"each mug holds 15 ounces and has a C-shaped handle," yay!--one featuring the November 5 paper, the other featuring NYTimes.com's election-night home page ($24.95). And if you prefer a wearable Piece of History, "preserve the date with a special front page reprint of the final edition of The New York Times on Nov. 5, 2008, which boldly reported Obama's decisive victory over John McCain on a t-shirt." Said shirt can be yours if you can spare $32.95 and 5-7 business days!

Over at The Washington Post's Wal-mart of headline paraphernalia online store, the November 5 Commemorative Edition Paper is a relative steal at $9.95. So is the array of Obamabilia t-shirts. You can buy the image of the paper's November 5 front page silk-screened onto: men's t-shirts ($21.99), women's t-shirts ($21.99), kids' t-shirts ($18.99), organic cotton t-shirts ($22.99), hoodies ($32.99), baby onesies ($15.99), tote bags ($18.99), and mugs ($15.99).

Sweet. History and shopping. Can't get more American than that.

Audit Interview: Jonathan Weil

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If you’ve missed Bloomberg columnist Jonathan Weil’s work over the past year, you’ve missed a lot.

Early to sniff out AIG, Washington Mutual, and Wachovia, Weil was first to raise important questions about Lehman Brothers' off-balance-sheet doings. And Weil ripped on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for months before they were nationalized.

Weil is at home around a balance sheet as we are smoking our Meerschaum pipes at the Columbia Club.

After years of covering the beat, Weil writes about accounting with an authority few in the field possess. As a writer, he is about as subtle as your average meat ax:

If MBIA Is AAA, Britney Is Snow White

At The Wall Street Journal, where he reported for several years, Weil was the first reporter to raise questions about Enron’s accounting.

He spoke to The Audit about covering the financial crisis:

Globalization Gone Awry

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Steven Pearlstein makes some good points in his Washington Post column today on how and why American-style capitalism has broken down around the world.

From the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s to the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s to the Internet craze at the turn of the century to today's economic conflagration, the past 20 years have provided ample evidence that uncontrolled flows of private capital have created massive booms and busts that have overwhelmed the financial system and destabilized the global economy. The booms have misallocated capital, widened the gulf between rich and poor, and eroded the norms of behavior that had contributed to social and political harmony. The busts have brought financial hardship and ruin to innocent businesses and households and saddled governments with huge debts that will take generations to pay off...

American-style capitalism has been undermined by its own success. In its present incarnation, it rewards manipulation over innovation and speculation over genuine value creation, resulting in massive misallocations of capital and the accumulation of unheard-of wealth in the hands of money managers and top corporate executives who are more lucky than they are skilled.

While Pearlstein far overreaches in his first sentence here, the rest of this paragraph is right on:

No longer is it the entrepreneurial capitalism of Google and Amazon and Nucor Steel that animates the American imagination — it is the financial capitalism of Enron and Drexel Burnham Lambert, of Goldman Sachs and the Blackstone Group, of publicly traded real estate investment trusts and multibillion-dollar hedge funds. Here in the United States, they have sucked up a disproportionate share of talent and capital, distorted compensation systems, and helped to perpetuate the false notion that companies exist solely to enrich their investors and investment bankers. And now, through the marvels of global financial markets, they have spread their toxic culture and products to economies across the globe.

But though Pearlstein calls for a "new international capitalism", he doesn't give any examples of what that might be beyond a vague idea of new multilateral regulation.

WSJ's Page One Commodities

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The Journal’s front-page business stories are run-of-the-mill this morning, far from the glory days of yore.

One reports that banks are competing to draw deposits by raising interest rates.

Another news story, what the paper calls a page-one “extra”, says Wal-Mart is doing well in the bad economy.

Boring.

These could have run in any paper—or inside the pre-Murdoch WSJ. The paper’s front page has been somewhat commoditized. But not totally: The Alzheimer’s story hints at the good old days.

AIG's Accountability Affront

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Floyd Norris is right to say the bailouts are seriously lacking on the accountability front.

Here he gives AIG a deserved bit of smacky-face:

Before it collapsed, the American International Group was a haughty company that thought it was better than anyone else. It still feels that way.

Instead of sounding chastened as its second bailout was announced this week, the company was bragging about how wonderful its insurance operations are, and denying this was really a bailout at all.

At a minimum, can’t the government announce and enforce a rule that companies that receive more than $100 billion in bailout money must at least admit their brilliance is open to question?

And Norris calls out its CEO for lying:

That new chief executive, Edward Liddy, now says he saw his first priority as being to negotiate more lenient terms. While he was at it, he asked for more money and for a mechanism to get Uncle Sam to take on the risk of some of his company’s worst assets while letting A.I.G. share in the profits if those assets should prove to be valuable. He got it all.

Then he told the world that this was not really a bailout at all. “The terms of the restructuring are commercial in nature,” he said on a conference call. “All of the facilities being provided by the U.S. government are at market rates.”

Market rates? The government is getting the London interbank offered rate, plus 1 percentage point, while it takes large risks that the bad assets it is taking from A.I.G. will keep losing value. If they do, A.I.G. is under no obligation to repay that loan.

I wouldn't make that loan, would you? Only Uncle Sam would.

Coffee Talk

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This is why we love Michael Kinsley.

Slow Claps for Shep

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Shep Smith, calling allegations of liberal bias in the presidential campaign "preposterous," declares: "To blame the media is a cop-out and ridiculous."



Puppy Love

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Quote of the day: "The number one thing internally we've come to is that they're cute."

This comes from Chris Ham, CEO of Ustream.TV, talking to People magazine. It's our "quote of the day" for two reasons: first, because of its delightful obviousness, and second, because of its understatement. Because Ham is talking about The Puppies Seen 'Round the World--literally: the litter of Shiba Inu pups--yep, the ones profiled in The Guardian, the ones who are the subject of what may well be, due to its more than 3 million viewers to date, the most popular live-streaming video of all time--the puppies whose rompy, chompy, almost painfully adorable antics are being streamed, live and 24/7, on the Web. The ones who, because their sheer adorability makes them perfect procrastinatory fodder for office workers the country over, are probably single-handedly (okay, single-pawedly) endangering our already imperiled GDP. The ones whom we'll forgive for that, though, because they're just so freakin' cute.

If you haven't seen them yet, here's the link to the PuppyCam. But beware: If you click, you won't merely be opening a Web page; you will be opening yourself up to the likelihood that, at best, you will be completely unproductive for the next couple of hours, unable to look away from the train wreck of cuteness streaming before you. You will, at worst, find yourself sucked into a cuddly vortex that, upon your emergence from it, will have reduced your once smart, savvy, somewhat cynical self to a quivering mass of gelatinous optimism about the world and its potential.

You have been warned.

WSJ's Citi Fallout

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The Journal’s scoop yesterday that Citigroup’s board is considering firing its chairman made waves yesterday. The Times and the FT try to catch up, with the latter doing a better job. And there’s a faceoff between the WSJ and Citi on the scoop:

In a statement, Citigroup also called "completely erroneous" an article in The Wall Street Journal on Thursday that said some directors are considering replacing Sir Win Bischoff as chairman. The Journal said it stands by the article. People familiar with the matter said the move still is being considered.

I’ll bet on the Journal here; Citi’s statement is just further proof of its being in disarray.

Meantime, the Journal pushes ahead, reporting that Citi will fire at least 10,000 workers starting this week and will jack up interest rates on its credit-card customers.

The NYT only indirectly acknowledges the Journal’s scoop and then only to quote Citi denying it. It doesn’t appear to be as well sourced as the Journal or the FT. The FT credits the Journal and uses the boardroom angle to advance the story a bit:

Mr Parsons’ friends say that, for the past few weeks, he has been talking about having to “get back to work” — a reference to his planned retirement from Time Warner next year.

And Citi insiders say he has been increasingly active within the company, holding meetings with senior managers, and being vocal and involved during board meetings.

The Journal throws in a handy bit of personal-finance help:

Customers can opt out of the rate increase. Those who do are permitted to use the card at the old rate until it expires.

Thanks for that info—I can put the scissors up for now.

If mockery is the sincerest form of flattery, then Keith Olbermann should be feeling pretty good about himself right about now. (Wait, what's that you say? It's not mockery that's the sincerest form...? Oh, well: Knowing Olbermann, he's still probably feeling pretty good about himself right now.) So first there was Ben Affleck's Saturday Night Live send-up of the pundit:



Then, yesterday, the annals of Olbermannian parody found themselves a charming new entry: the humor site 236's minute-long condensation of "the O'Reilly of the left"'s occasionally eloquent and occasionally exorbitant and occasionally hilarious Special Comments. You, sir--you--you, Mr. Olbermann, sir...are pretty amusing.


Get the latest news satire and funny videos at 236.com.



Bill O'Reilly guested on The Daily Show last night. And the Clash of the Talking Titans--two guys who consider themselves to be politically independent, but whom everyone else considers to be partisan--was at turns funny, fascinating, and frustrating. Frustrating, because, yet again, we saw facts being used not as the bases for arguments, but as the subjects of them (O'Reilly: "Secular progressives want drastic change." Stewart: "No, they don't!" And so on). Funny, because the discussion was tempered by moments of delightful inanity (as when O'Reilly repeatedly referred to a teddy bear Stewart had given him as a joke--to comfort him through his oft-discussed "fear" about Obama--as a "panda"). The exchange is long for a Daily Show interview, but well worth watching.





Every once in a while, there emerges a news story that finds itself in the awkward and unenviable position of having to justify its own existence...through its own words. Such a story is often found in the style section of a newspaper. It often has to do with clothing. It often has to do with politicians.

Yesterday's New York Times analysis of Obama's post-campaign wardrobe choices and, you know, What They All Mean--"Several things happened when Mr. Obama surrendered, if briefly, the formality of his suit"--was textbook in this regard. (Though, alas, only in this regard.) Clothing focus? Check. Politician-as-subject? Check. Existence-justification? Check.

Actually, in this case, it's more like existence-questioning. The article seems to acknowledge, tacitly, its own journalistic superfluity, apologizing for itself even as it puts forth an enthusiastic effort in the way of sartorial scrutiny:

Americans like to see their presidents being athletic, or at least game. On a man of his age and build, almost any type of casual attire would convey this impression. But Mr. Obama’s off-duty clothes tells us he doesn’t yet feel entirely free to relax and that, unlike John F. Kennedy in his sailing shorts or Ronald Reagan in his ranch clothes, he doesn’t have an informal style that can be endowed with meaning.

He doesn’t have an informal style that can be endowed with meaning. In other words, the whole premise of this article, dear reader, is moot. But there are column inches to be filled. There are readers to be entertained (if not informed). So what's an intrepid fashion critic to do, faced with a silly premise on the one hand, and a looming deadline on the other? One bold choice: spend a few hundred words trying to endow "an informal style that can't be endowed with meaning" with, you know, meaning.

In other words: When in doubt, flesh it out! With quotes! Interview a sociologist to speak to the complex relationships between presidents' wardrobe and their messages. Interview the Barneys menswear fashion director about the "choices and forms of expressions available" to Obama when it comes to couture. Interview the creative director of GQ, who once did a photo shoot with Obama. Throw in said creative director's totally relevant comment that Obama "could probably wear a Size 40 rather than a 42." It doesn't matter, really, whether your sources support your argument; even if they blatantly question your premise, just throw it all in there!

Mr. Obama sometimes wears jeans, as he did for a rally on Oct. 28, but his jeans are the loose, jingle-the-change-in-your-pocket type. He belts them at the waist, and when he wears them with white sneakers and a windbreaker, one could almost say he had stolen the look from Jerry Seinfeld’s character on the television series.

Mr. Seinfeld was unaware of the steal. “I don’t know that I can make a proprietary claim to that look,” Mr. Seinfeld said doubtfully.

Then continue all the doubtfulness with an even more explicit challenge to the most basic aspect of your premise, that "President-elect Barack Obama has been looking pretty casual of late." This adds to the drama, you see, which implies Meaning. Cite Stephanie Cutter, a spokeswoman for the transition, as saying "that she did not think Mr. Obama had relaxed his look since the election and that what he wears is really driven by his schedule."

Ignore the dissonance, and push aside the contradictions, in the hopes that your reader will come away thinking only: How awkward! How fun! And how very, very meaningful!

This Is the End

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Michael Lewis has a great story in Portfolio looking at the demise of Wall Street.
He tells the story of Steve Eisman, a hedge-fund manager who was a long-time cynic about Wall Street and who won big by betting against subprime mortgages and CDOs.

Lewis writes about the ignorance and crookedness that caused the mess.

The funny thing, looking back on it, is how long it took for even someone who predicted the disaster to grasp its root causes. They were learning about this on the fly, shorting the bonds and then trying to figure out what they had done. Eisman knew subprime lenders could be scumbags. What he underestimated was the total unabashed complicity of the upper class of American capitalism. For instance, he knew that the big Wall Street investment banks took huge piles of loans that in and of themselves might be rated BBB, threw them into a trust, carved the trust into tranches, and wound up with 60 percent of the new total being rated AAA.

But he couldn’t figure out exactly how the rating agencies justified turning BBB loans into AAA-rated bonds. “I didn’t understand how they were turning all this garbage into gold,” he says. He brought some of the bond people from Goldman Sachs, Lehman Brothers, and UBS over for a visit. “We always asked the same question,” says Eisman. “Where are the rating agencies in all of this? And I’d always get the same reaction. It was a smirk.” He called Standard & Poor’s and asked what would happen to default rates if real estate prices fell. The man at S&P couldn’t say; its model for home prices had no ability to accept a negative number. “They were just assuming home prices would keep going up,” Eisman says.

And he comes back around and illustrates how Wall Street going public led to the scandal by allowing its partners to offload risk onto shareholders.

No investment bank owned by its employees would have levered itself 35 to 1 or bought and held $50 billion in mezzanine C.D.O.’s. I doubt any partnership would have sought to game the rating agencies or leap into bed with loan sharks or even allow mezzanine C.D.O.’s to be sold to its customers. The hoped-for short-term gain would not have justified the long-term hit.

It’s a long story and worth reading every word.

Fox Business Is Next to File a FOIA

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Fox Business News appears to get the bailout transparency picture. The News Corp. business news cable network, home of beautiful people with flowing hair, says it’s filed a Freedom of Information Act request asking which banks are benefiting from more the $2 trillion in Federal Reserve loans and what collateral they’re giving in return:

So Fox Business has begun actions to force the U.S. government and the Federal Reserve to share information about all these bailouts with you. If in 20 days the Treasury Department has not responded to our Freedom of Information requests, we are going to sue the Treasury for that information. The government and the Fed have no right to keep this information from you, the very people who are being forced to pay for these bailouts.

It’s a FOIA-loiya' bailout!

Seriously, though, if you’re a news organization, and you’re ever going to file a FOIA, now would be the time.

FoxBiz, of course, follows Bloomberg LP, which on Friday sued in federal court, Manhattan, after the Fed effectively denied (it wouldn’t respond) to Bloomberg News requests last spring.

Who’s next? Me, I'm hoping this has already been done by another News Corp. unit.

The other day I urged other news organizations to "join" the Bloomberg suit in federal court seeking bailout records under the Freedom of Information Act.

Turns out, a legal eagle tells me, it would legally awkward and not altogether useful to add plaintiffs to the Bloomberg complaint; likewise filing amicus briefs at this stage would be counterproductive since, at the trial court level, they would have to be approved by the judge, causing delays. And who needs that?

What's more, when the Fed loses this case, and I predict it will, it must disclose the records to everyone, not just Bloomberg.

If the Fed wins at the trial court level, then various amici can chime in.

So does that mean other news organizations should do nothing until the Bloomberg case is decided? Um, no.

I would hope and expect that other news orgs would be pursuing the same story—federal expenditures on Wall Street and other banks? Who doesn't think that's a story?—and would already have filed their own FOIAs and, if they become necessary, lawsuits.

Each has its own angle. Each would have its own records request.

And you can’t tell me that many news organizations, either in a consortium or working separately, don’t have a better chance of forcing disclosure than one working alone. This is ultimately more a political question than a legal one. With enough public pressure, or pressure from Congress, or both, the Fed and Treasury will find a way.

If multiple FOIAs create some duplicative paperwork, what's that compared to the stakes involved?

That's why it's good that Fox Business News has filed its own FOIA for bailout records and says it will sue in twenty days if it doesn't get them.

See the next post for more.

Baucus Watch, Part II

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As chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, Senator Max Baucus holds the keys to health-care reform; any health-care legislation must pass through his committee. So what he says or doesn’t say is important to those following the twists and turns of the congressional effort to fix our health-care system. This is the second of an occasional series of posts on the senator’s pronouncements. The first is archived here.

The senator from Montana brought forth Wednesday what he said was a “Call to Action,” an eighty-nine-page white paper that catalogued the ills of the U.S. health-care system and offered prescriptions—some more vague than others—for treating them. Baucus said the paper, which was not presented in the form of legislation, was the next step after his listening tour in Montana and the nine hearings he held earlier this year. “The health system is so complex that any solution will demand time and attention to make sure we get it right,” Baucus said. “This plan is most certainly a work in progress.”

Baucus fans in the media cheered. Kevin Drum at Mother Jones wrote, “I give serious healthcare reform an 80% chance of passing before June.” Wow! But didn’t Baucus say reform would demand time to make sure we get it right? And didn’t president-elect Obama say that the economy and energy policy will take precedent over health care at the moment? Jonathan Cohn at The New Republic was a little more restrained, but still gleeful. “Universal Coverage: Full Speed Ahead” was the headline on his blog post about the plan, in which he suggested that Baucus would get to work on a bill this year but the question of whether something is actually adopted will depend on politics. Ya think? Ezra Klein at The American Prospect noted that the Baucus policy paper is trying to create a health-reform process and is “the generic Democratic health care plan.”

The Era of Good Feelings has arrived. Even Don McCanne M.D., who blogs for Physicians for a National Health Program and supports a single-payer system, said the Baucus paper contains some “valuable recommendations.” And there was the ubiquitous Ron Pollack from Families USA, whom reporters always turn to for a good quote. This time he told The New York Times that “the prospects for meaningful health care reform have never looked better.” He told The Washington Post, “A president’s leadership is most effective before he expends much of his political capital.”

To me the white paper reads like a catchall wish list—a veritable legislative Christmas tree that offers a glimmering ornament for everyone. Baucus talks of a “high performing health care system.” Those are the words The Commonwealth Fund, a New York City-based research and philanthropic organization, uses to describe its proposals. There’s a section on long-term care, which had been virtually ignored during the presidential campaign. Here, Baucus mentions giving states “new tools and incentives” to make home care more available. There’s talk of making information about cost and quality of medical services more transparent that should gladden the hearts of consumer groups; and for the business community, his ideas sound Republicanesque in spots.

The cornerstone is individual responsibility: People must have coverage, he argues, and if they don’t have it from their employers, they’ll have to buy their own. That’s a combination of Hillary Clinton’s mandate to buy coverage and George Bush’s notion of every man and woman for himself and herself. The Health Insurance Exchange, which was part of Massachusetts’s health-reform legislation and resembles the Federal Employees Health Benefit Program, sprang from the conservative Heritage Foundation years ago when Heritage began pushing the privatization of Medicare. Baucus’s ideas to tax some portion of the value of the health insurance you get from your employer sure sounds a lot like John McCain’s proposal. Although Barack Obama attacked this idea in his campaign ads and in stump speeches, we told our readers that some Democrats supported such a plan.

There’s something for journalists, too, in the Baucus proposals: the challenge to start dissecting exactly what this supposed Democratic consensus document is all about. First, is it really the consensus plan—the plan that consultants have focus group-tested and carefully crafted to avoid ruffling special-interest feathers and to soothe the middle class, assuring that it can keep the insurance it has now if it wants? Blogger Robert Laszewski, who’s pretty sharp-eyed about these things, told me that the Baucus document plays right into his thesis that there is no consensus. Spend two hours reading it, he says, and “you’ll see there is no consensus.”

Sift through it, and you’ll also find a lot of on-the-one-hand, on-the-other-hand language that really doesn’t offer much of a road map. Take the senator’s thoughts on Medicare coverage for people who have qualified for Social Security disability payments. Currently, a person who gets these payments must wait two years before getting Medicare benefits. Baucus advocates a phase-out of the waiting period. “It is anticipated that people with disabilities would also eventually be able to purchase coverage in a reformed health insurance market,” his document says. But is it realistic to think that insurers, with all their clout on Capitol Hill, will agree to stop scrutinizing peoples’ health conditions before issuing policies, especially to very sick people like those on disability? Will they agree let in sick people if everyone else is required to buy insurance, as a few experts have suggested? There’s no consensus on this key point.

Or take malpractice reform. Baucus acknowledges that the Government Accountability Office has found that access to medical care is not “widely affected” by large malpractice premium increases, and that malpractice costs account for less than 2 percent of health costs. But he goes on to say that doctors complain that the legal environment leads to more tests and procedures to avoid liability. That’s the conventional wisdom that the medical community has spread in the last several congressional sessions. We really need journalists to tease apart these discrepancies.

The South Will Rise Again

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The Deep South went Republican in 2008, missing the memo from the rest of the country that this was a Democratic year. The New York Times' Adam Nossiter argues that this "could spell the end of the so-called Southern strategy, the doctrine that took shape under President Richard M. Nixon in which national elections were won by co-opting Southern whites on racial issues." A quote from political scientist Wayne Parent states the article's thesis more bluntly: "The South has moved from being the center of the political universe to being an outside player in presidential politics."

But Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia were contested states for the first time in years—arguably, the South will be more politically influential after 2008 because presidential candidates will likely campaign there more heavily than they have in the past. And, perhaps, the way suburban communities are transforming these states' politics is an extension of the trends that brought the South into the Republican camp in the 1960s, not a departure from them. Boston University historian Bruce Schulman, author of three books on the years that produced the "Southern strategy," says that "some people misunderstand the Southern strategies of Nixon and Republicans after that. They think it's all about the white backlash ... but a good part of the Southern strategy was centered not in [the Deep South], but in what we might call the 'Sunbelt South,' suburban places like Atlanta."

Looking at the 1968 electoral map, it's impossible to see the Deep South as the cornerstone of Nixon's Southern strategy—he won only one Deep Southern state, South Carolina, in 1968. True, Nixon could not have won if Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Louisiana had not given their electoral votes to the segregationist hero George Wallace instead of Democrat Hubert Humphrey, and their heavily Republican leanings in the years after made them an important Republican base. But Nixon flatly rejected a strategy that would have him playing to the parts of the South where the white backlash was most virulent. Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the Republican nominee in 1964, had tried that, and he alienated voters in the rest of the country, losing to Lyndon Johnson in a landslide. Goldwater "ran as a racist candidate," Nixon told biographer Herbert Parmet, "and he won the wrong states."

Nixon's genius was his ability to capitalize on racial resentments—which, we should remember, were a factor in the Rust Belt as well as the Black Belt—in way that matched the sensibilities of the suburbanizing constituencies of North Carolina, Georgia, and Texas. The GOP has not identified their enemy for the past thirty years as African Americans, but rather as "Big Government." For some, this has a racial appeal: Hostility towards welfare hinged on the perception that it was a handout to undeserving blacks at the expense of hard-working whites. But it also spoke to those who simply ascribed to free-market philosophy. Nixon signalled his sympathy with "backlash voters" by opposing bussing and using coded tough-on-crime rhetoric, but his primary audience were the middle class across "the heartland," not Klu Kluxers in Alabama.

"The important thing is when you say 'the South,' is what 'South' do you mean," Schulman says in response to Nossiter's article. "I think the argument that the South that voted for George Wallace doesn't have the political influence, that's true," he says. "But they haven't had political influence." And they haven't even been the most consistently Republican, either—Virginia was the only southern state to vote for Gerald Ford over Jimmy Carter in 1976.

Nossiter's argument accepts the Deep South as the part of the Old Confederacy that defines the region. But, says University of Virginia political scientist Larry Sabato, "I don't think any reasonable definition of the South doesn't include Virginia, North Carolina, and Florida." He predicts that being competitive, again, could strengthen these states. In previous years, for example, Virginia received only "incidental spending" from the national campaigns. But in 2008, "Millions and millions and millions were spent on voter contact and organizational efforts" in the Old Dominion. Because both sides will likely have to vigorously contend for the state next time around, its Congressional delegation (which now is also almost evenly split between Democrats and Republicans) is in a stronger position on Capitol Hill.

John Egerton gave a split title to his 1974 chronicle of America's changing relationship with its southern states: The Americanization of Dixie/The Southernization of America. America was beginning to look more like the South at that point, but the South was also in the process of changing. And that process continues, leading some southern partisans to claim that some states that seceded in 1861 no longer belonged in Dixie. (See George Allen and McCain/Palin spokeswoman Nancy Pfotenhauer.) But these changing parts of the South are the ones that made the region politically powerful in the Twentieth Century, and, if Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia remain competitive, they will be an electoral powerhouse in the Twenty-First.

WaPo: Waiting for a Watchdog

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The Washington Post reports that the oversight panel for the $700 billion bailout hasn’t been, um, impaneled.

In fact:

…no formal action has been taken to fill the independent oversight posts established by Congress when it approved the bailout to prevent corruption and government waste. Nor has the first monitoring report required by lawmakers been completed, though the initial deadline has passed.

"It's a mess," said Eric M. Thorson, the Treasury Department's inspector general.... "I don't think anyone understands right now how we're going to do proper oversight of this thing."

That’s not the only oversight that’s missing:

The legislation also created a body called the Financial Stability Oversight Board, whose five members include Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke. But it has no staff of its own, and few expect that policymakers can conduct oversight of themselves. "It's sort of a joke in terms of oversight," a congressional aide said.

You got that right.

A Letter from Goldman Sachs

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Recently, I've written posts denouncing the secrecy surrounding the government bailout of American International Group—secrecy that. among other things, has led news organizations to publish wildly different accounts of the degree to which, if at all, the bailout benefited Goldman Sachs.

The WSJ scoops this morning that Citigroup's board is considering firing its chairman, Sir Win Bischoff.

Some directors have grown concerned that Sir Win, who is based in London, hasn't been exercising adequate oversight.

Did no one foresee that having the company's chairman a continent away might be a problem?

Meanwhile, Citi has a non-denial denial:

"Any report that the board is searching for a new chairman is false," a Citigroup spokeswoman said Wednesday evening.

And it seems the board is flexing its muscles with CEO Vikram Pandit, as well.

Over the summer, several directors complained to Mr. Pandit that he hadn't adequately kept them in the loop about his plans. In recent months, the board has been holding meetings twice a month and trying to be more assertive about supervising management decisions. That change has irked some Citigroup executives, who said the board's involvement in the negotiations to buy Wachovia Corp. slowed the process and gave Wells Fargo & Co. time to re-emerge with a superior offer.
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It's about time boards start waking up and exercising their oversight powers instead of letting executives do what they will. In Citi's case, this comes after its shares have lost 83 percent of their value. Next, they ought to start fighting back on outlandish pay packages for once.

Good board-level reporting by the Journal.

Stewart on Fixing the Economy

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James B. Stewart, always worth reading, has some good thoughts in his Journal column on what Obama needs to do to fix the busted economy. One important thing is: Do Not Be a Neo-Hooverite!

Among other boons, for the time being we can forget about the deficit, because one thing we know from the Great Depression and Keynesian economics is that in crises like this the government has to get out there and spend.

The government is going to have to spend to help soften the blow to the economy, which is in free-fall right now. We'll hear a lot about trillion-dollar deficits over the next year, and that's a terrible reality, but the alternative seems to be much worse.

Here are a couple of smart ideas:

The U.S. needs a comprehensive policy for faltering industrial concerns, probably starting with the auto industry.

This can't be another case-by-case, ad hoc approach that arbitrarily favors some companies deemed too big to fail while consigning others to bankruptcy court. I favor the Warren Buffett approach: preferred shares that pay interest and warrants to acquire an equity stake at an attractive price. In fact, I might even ask Mr. Buffett to step up to this task. This can't be a bailout of private-equity firms or existing shareholders. Someone in the Treasury will have to start thinking like a distressed-asset manager…

—Another lesson from the Depression is that spending on infrastructure helps, and can also be an excellent long-term investment. China just unveiled a $586 billion program that includes spending for airports, rail lines and highways, housing and other programs. These should raise quality of life, enhance productivity, and provide an economic boost. There's no shortage of similar needs in the U.S…

—I'd end compensation for failure. I'd legislatively ban employment contracts that call for huge severance payments without regard to performance. And I'd make prosecuting those guilty of fraud a top priority. When the government injects capital and takes a stake, I'd oust incumbent management unless there was a compelling reason not to. But I wouldn't cap pay for success, including at big banks.

Hey, Obama: How about Stewart for Treasury chief? That would probably be better than Larry Summers.

FT's New Site Is Big. Really Big.

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The Financial Times has redesigned its Web site, and on first impression, it’s just awful.



Why are its Web readers, who surely trend younger than print subscribers, suddenly being treated like large-print Reader’s Digest subscribers? The paper this morning is still in its reassuringly small type, at least.

The fonts are bad, and it just looks cheap and terrible.

Start over, folks.

Shop Till Your Bubble Pops

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This Times story on customers returning more merchandise to retailers (because of the bad economy) reads more like a story about shopper psychosis.

Nicolette Gonzalez, who calls herself an “addictive spender,” used to turn a blind eye to price, allocating three-quarters of her paycheck as a party planner in Manhattan to her wardrobe, she said. The economy has yet to dent her income, she said, “but I’m conscious of what I’m spending and more concerned with putting money away.”

Recently she returned a pair of $1,100 Golden Goose riding boots. “I’m getting my old ones resoled and repolished,” she said.

Some information is missing here. Does Gonzalez really spend 75 percent of her paycheck on clothes? If so, she must be otherwise subsidized. The Times should have been more skeptical.

More forgiving policies may be good news for Ms. Kakouris, the real estate agent in Miami. From time to time, pangs of conscience have caused her to regret a purchase before she has even stepped out of the store. “I’ll be on the escalator, and already I’m thinking, ‘I can’t do this,’ ” she said.

And here’s this:

Back to Banana Republic recently went the purple party dress that Ms. De Blank bought for a christening this fall. “I’ll make do with a black one that I already own,” she said. She confines her shopping these days mostly to department stores and large chains with liberal return policies. Small boutiques, which customarily offer store credits in lieu of cash refunds, are off limits, she said.

These anecdotes seem a little cartoonish to me.

Let’s Talk About Sex(ism)

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It’s by now understood that sexism, in some form, lodged itself into the gears of this election cycle from the very start. We saw it with Hillary Clinton, who endured the press’s inane scrutiny of her demeanor and appearance, her “cackle” and her “cankles.” And we saw it again with Sarah Palin, whose looks prompted a different sort of “bodily lit-crit,” as one journalist described it—she was Alaska’s hot governor, and according to CNBC’s Donny Deutsch, totally beddable.

The resulting furor—unleashed largely by feminists of the old guard—prompted some in the political establishment to see a Fourth Wave of feminism powering up from the ashes of ’08. Bill Clinton, appearing on The View in late September, called sexism a “subconscious” and therefore almost “insidious” presence in the press. Howard Dean has called for a “national discussion” of sexism.

Do we need such a discussion? Maybe. But amid all the knuckle dragging, there was evidence of real progress. In an interview with Newsweek, Geraldine Ferraro, who in 1984 became the first woman to appear on a major party ticket, reminded us that when she was in the sexist crosshairs, she “couldn’t speak about it.” Her remarks lent credence to the idea that a diversity of criticism is always preferable to silence.

Bloomberg Beats the Drums

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Bloomberg continues to push the government to disclose who it’s handing $2 trillion.

Today it writes that five Republican congressmen, including House Minority Leader John Boehner, called for the Fed to give up the goods. Good for them. Now where are the Democrats?

``We're talking about using, between the Fed and Treasury, trillions of dollars of taxpayer money with scant to nonexistent oversight,'' Republican Study Committee Chairman Hensarling, a Texas Republican, said in an interview. ``They have taken a lot of liberties with the taxpayers' checkbook. People have a right to know how this money, ultimately, is being used.''

LA Times columnist Tom Petruno is following this on his blog. Where's the rest of the press?

It appears the Fed is ticked at the attempts to hold it accountable:

Federal Reserve spokeswoman Michelle Smith didn't respond to calls or an e-mail seeking comment.

Go, Bloomberg.

Palin As Entertainment

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Alessandra Stanley, television critic for The New York Times, writes yesterday morning about Sarah Palin’s modus operandi during her post-election, pre-future-career interviews with Fox News’s Greta van Susteren and The Today Show ’s Matt Lauer. “Unleashed and not humbled, Ms. Palin is on a speed date with history, upending protocol as she goes,” Stanley writes in an entertaining article that garnered one of the top spots on the NYT’s Politics landing page.

Here’s her juxtaposition of the current realities of the presidential transition and the merry-go-round that is Palin’s post-election antics:

The news media has moved on to President-elect Barack Obama and his transition team as they try to get a grip on the perilous state of the economy. Ms. Palin’s interviews dragged the subject back to her campaign woes, and she lingered there, feeding curiosity but making no real effort to steer her questioners to the present.

This is a tale of a politician, but it’s not a political story. Palin seems more interested in keeping her visage in the spotlight than in saying anything substantial as a newly certified potential Face for the Republican Party. And, in turn, the accounts of these recent interviews are inarguably more interested in her entertainment value than in her political news value. So, without shame, let’s call it what it is: a review of a series of amusing television encounters that belongs next to the latest tween star exclusive, not next to Obama transition news.

CNN's Jack Cafferty wrote in a similar vein on his blog yesterday:

When’s the last time a losing vice presidential candidate was still in the news a week after the election? Nobody seems interested in interviewing Joe Biden, or for that matter, John McCain. But we just don’t seem to be able to get enough of Sarah Palin.

The news media are scrambling to get her thoughts on everything…the campaign, the charges from within the McCain camp that she is a “whack job” and a “rogue,” the $150,000 wardrobe, the travel expenses for her family that were charged to taxpayers of the state of Alaska. It’s obviously something besides her keen and subtle grasp of the complexities of being president of the United States.

Cafferty’s right to point out that the press still seems ridiculously preoccupied with Palin (and ridiculously not preoccupied with vice-president-elect Biden). And his list of things that still intrigue the media reminds us that the very things that made Palin a particularly news-generating vice presidential candidate (from her astounding bluster to the reportorial and legal investigations that plagued her in the campaign spotlight), now exist on their own legs, without any current political relevance.

As I see it, there are a couple of potential ways to approach Palin’s interviews this week from a political news angle. One is to use her now unrestricted face time with the media to report on a valid new face for the GOP (in a way that contributes to the reflective articles that have been and will be written about the future landscape of the party). The other is to consider these interviews as Palin’s opportunity to conduct a post-mortem with members of the media about her press coverage throughout the campaign—but that hinges on Palin’s willingness to use these interviews to that end. (And Palin neither admitted to errors or weaknesses—“she did not allow that she ever stumbled or had difficulty getting up to speed on some issues”—nor assessed in any productive manner what went wrong, other than to reductively dismiss “bloggers in their parents’ basement just talking garbage.”)

But Stanley’s article isn’t really written with the GOP storyline, or Palin’s future ambitions, or even the media bias story as a central point. Rather, it’s about how amusing these encounters were (moose chili for Greta Van Susteren! a haddock and salmon casserole for Mr. Lauer!). It trades on the notion that Palin’s current news value is largely based on her entertainment value—say, a more dignified version of Michigan J. Frog’s dance routine. If you read through it (and it’s engagingly written), there’s markedly more interest in Palin as an anthropological curiosity than in anything that’s very politically relevant. (Erm, how’s that reality show “The Palins” coming along?)

In that sense, Stanley, as a television critic, is a great person to write the Palin-cooks-for-Lauer article. She attempts to situate these interviews—at least somewhat—in the entertainment realm, and that’s the saving grace of the piece. Stanley’s humorous descriptions sketch a tableau of theatrics, not substance: Palin “put herself on full display,” in the kitchen her “demeanor is as positive and peppy as ever,” her message “sounds highly ‘Sarah-centric,’” and like a soap star returning after hiatus, “her determination and self-confidence appeared to be unscathed.” (Though, taking after political reporters, Stanley lets the governor’s grammatical fumbling reveal itself—not least among them, her use of “progress” as a transitive verb and her painfully contorted “But not me personally were those cheers for.”)

So, there’s nothing particularly wrong with the article. But, situated prominently as it is on the NYT politics page, the article also indirectly defends the media impulse to continue covering her in the name of political news while treating her like a superficial celebrity. Maybe news accounts can find a way to take her seriously. But there’s also nothing wrong with just calling Palin’s media junket by name and putting it in a different section: celebritainment news is mighty fun to read, after all.

Helen Thomas has returned, after health issues, to the White House briefing room and tells Cox Newspapers' Ron Herman, among other things: "I"m still as mean as ever. I'm already going after Barack for saying that, in effect, he's going after all the old Clinton faces [for his advisers]. Doesn't he know anybody?"

Also: "No way" will there be a honeymoon for Obama from her (well, "he'll get one day.") And, she voted for Obama. (h/t FishbowlDC).

WSJ: New York Investigates Swaps

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The Journal has an interesting story on an investigation into the credit-default swaps market. New York Attorney General Andrew (Spitzer’s Replacement) Cuomo is looking at brokers to see if they manipulated the market.

I’ll venture a guess that ambitious attorneys general—and reporters!—can find a lot of nasty worms by looking under the CDS rock, though I don’t know about this specific case. Any market that’s totally unregulated with trillions of dollars floating around in it and virtually no disclosure would seem a likely candidate for corruption.

Disclosing information about clients' identities before a trade is, in some cases, considered unethical by other brokers, traders and regulators. Knowledge that a competitor is trying to amass a position could be used to bargain for better pricing on a trade or to undercut other traders' positions.

Consider a $500 million position in an index of credit-default-swaps contracts. A move of 0.01 percentage point, or one "basis point," typically can amount to a $460 gain or loss per $1 million traded. If an index moves 0.20 percentage point — as it can on especially volatile days — a trader's book could swing by $4.5 million.

Yet the opaque trading environment has made it easier for Wall Street banks to mark up prices charged to outside buyers, which in turn has made CDS trading a huge profit center for the banks. In all, CDS trading amounts to 15% to 25% of top Wall Street firms' trading revenues, estimates CreditSights analyst David Hendler.

This is one to watch.

Here, an interesting exchange between Larry King and Gov. Sarah Palin last night (one of her two CNN interviews yesterday):

KING: Should you have not done the Katie Couric interview?

PALIN: Sure, I should have done the Katie Couric interview. Her questions were fair.....I wish there would have been perhaps more dilution in terms of that interview being one of many, many. I wish I could have done more interviews along the trail, and in hindsight, I wish I would have had more opportunities or we would have seized more opportunities to talk to the American people through the media.

KING: Why didn't you?

PALIN: I didn't call the shots on a lot of that strategy...

...I would have greater respect for the mainstream media if we could have greater assurance that there's fairness, objectivity through the reporting world. If there's anything I can do in terms of assisting there and allowing the credence and credibility of that great vocation, that cornerstone of our democracy called the press, if I could help build up the credibility in the press and allow the electorate to know they can believe anything that is reported in the airwaves and in print, I want to help. I started out as a journalist. It's important to me that that cornerstone of our democracy is given the credence and credibility it desrves.

But we have to have a two-way street. We have to get back to the who, what, when, where, and why and allow the listeners and readers to make up their own minds and not so much commentary being involved in mainstream media's questioning and reporting on candidates. I would like to kind of help build back that credibility in that cornerstone of our democracy, the media, allowing for the checks and balances that the government needs.

KING: Don't you think, Governor Palin, there's also a right wing media?

PALIN: There's a right wing, a left wing, I tend to believe that we need to get back to the who, what, when, where, and why, and allow the electorate, allow listeners, viewers, to make up their own minds based on fair, objective, non-biased reporting. That's what I'd like to see. At the same time, it's healthy, interesting, entertaining to hear the commentary on both sides. When mainstream media, especially, is expected to be non-biased without the commentary being involved, I think we really need to get back to giving some credence to the wisdom of the people, allowing them the ability to make up their own minds without hearing too much commentary infiltrated in the questions and reporting.

KING:: But you do think you should have done more [interviews]?

PALIN: I would have loved to have done more, yes. yes.

Palin said as much -- much more briefly -- in her other CNN interview of yesterday, with Wolf Blitzer.

Blitzer asked Palin what she might, with hindsight, have done differently during the campaign:

PALIN: I just wish there had been more hours in the day, and been able to speak more to the American people through the media....


BLITZER: We tried. God knows, we tried...


PALIN: Sorry. That's why we're here today, Wolf...

Palin's on a "speed date with history?" An "image redemption tour?" Maybe it's The Make-It-Up-To-The-Media Tour: Sarah's Sorry (How Can She Help?).


And Clair Begat Michelle!

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Michelle Obama? Clair Huxtable?

What, you haven't read about "The Huxtable Effect" (your homework: this and this). About how America has a 1980s sitcom to thank for a 2008 election outcome? About how Bill Cosby's Dr. Heathcliff Huxtable paved the way for Barack Obama's President Barack Obama?

Which must mean that Mrs. Obama is similarly indebted to Mrs. Huxtable? Clair begat Michelle? (They're both lawyers, even!) And it's a debt Mrs. Obama should embrace, even after she moves into the White House, according to columnist Dianne Williamson in a column of "suggestions" for Michelle Obama (headline: "Michelle: Still fist-bump, but bake a lot" in the (Worcester, MA) Telegram & Gazette.

It will make a lot of people feel better-- by people, I mean white Southern evangelicals -- if you identify your role model as Claire Huxtable.

While many white people had Huxtable on the brain when they pulled the lever for Obama last week and will continue, when they see Obamas, to think Huxtables (and feel all attendant familiarity and comfort) others, however, will need to be reminded?

Then again, Williamson begins her column as follows:

[A]s a newspaper columnist, it’s my job to cork off on issues I know virtually nothing about...

Which, of course, lets her off the hook in a similar way as does, as Megan pointed out yesterday, the New York Times and the LA Times taking the posture of "We’re not saying we agree with this whole 'Huxtable effect' thing...we’re just telling you that people are talking about it."

Williamson's version: I'm not saying there is a "Huxtable Effect" -- do you see the words "Huxtable Effect" in my column? And after all, I'm just a columnist -- I'm just suggesting Michelle work it. In certain company.

Paulson Pile-on

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Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson’s credibility continues to dwindle—not a good thing, considering the markets and the economy need to believe someone’s got a handle on the crisis.

The New York Times alludes to that in so many words on page one, but Bloomberg comes right out and says it in its headline, “Paulson Credibility Takes Another Hit With Rescue-Plan Reversal.” (By the way, that’s one thing to really like about Bloomberg: Its headlines are often pretty aggressive.) The Journal continues to be more favorable toward Paulson, as is the Washington Post—notably, they got interviews.

Yesterday, Paulson said he wouldn’t actually buy any troubled assets with the $700 billion he was given for the Troubled Asset Relief Program. That sent the stock market into a tailspin and left everybody confused as to what will actually happen: He has some scheme to boost consumer lending, but the Times is skeptical about it, comparing it to the nasty structured-investment vehicles that helped boost subprime lending.

Here’s part of Bloomberg’s harsh—and rightly so—take:

``This is a flip-flop, but on the other hand, when they first proposed the thing, they didn't really know what they were doing,'' said Bill Fleckenstein, president of Fleckenstein Capital Inc. in Seattle and author of the book ``Greenspan's Bubbles.'' Paulson has pushed some ``cockamamie schemes,'' he said. ``So one has to ask, does he have any clue?''

``This is not something he's going to be proud to put on his resume,'' said James Cox, a law professor at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, who has testified on securities regulation before Congress and served on legal advisory panels for the New York Stock Exchange and National Association of Securities Dealers. ``It does tarnish Paulson's image, because it shows that a lot of political capital was spent on something that most of us thought was not a good idea to begin with.''

Only history will render a final verdict on Paulson's handling of this year's cascading economic crises. But he surely couldn't have wanted to spend his final days in office this way: spearheading the massive government intervention in the banking, insurance and mortgage industries; fielding requests to bail out automakers General Motors Corp., Ford Motor Co., and Chrysler LLC, and even heating-oil retailers.

Paulson’s in an incredibly tough position, no doubt. But that’s no excuse for bouncing around like a pinball. The times call for steady leadership, to say the least.

On Genes and Cures, Separately

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Science aficionados should have appreciated yesterday’s Science Times in The New York Times. The section always does a good job with special issues focusing on single subjects, which have, in the past, included evolution, space exploration, and healthcare.

Yesterday’s package, about genomics, was no exception. As we reported here last May, while the field of epigenetics has been gaining ever more attention since the human genome was decoded nearly ten years ago, it’s still an intensely mysterious field. Traditionally, scientists believed that heritable genes, or short pieces of DNA, governed our individual physical and psychological characteristics. It has become evident, however, that a number of external molecular factors affect those genes in poorly understood ways. When we published our column in May, the news was mostly about “gene expression,” and the idea that certain genes could be turned “on and off.” The Science Times ratcheted up this genomic rethinking even further with a handful of articles that report how scientists are fundamentally rethinking the definition of a gene:

In this jungle of invading viruses, undead pseudogenes, shuffled exons and epigenetic marks, can the classical concept of the gene survive? … These new concepts are moving the gene away from a physical snippet of DNA and back to a more abstract definition.

In the same piece, a scientist tells the Times’s Carl Zimmer that “I think it’s a paradigm shift in how we think the genome is organized.” Other articles discuss the nitty-gritty of RNA and a novel theory of the genome’s relationship to mental disorders. There are also excellent graphics and an glossary of genetics terms, which seems particularly appropriate given that evolving definitions seem to be the point of the section (Knight Science Journalism Tracker has a full round-up here). At any rate, the Science Times’s work is a great example of journalism staying current with science and finding a way to a tell story with no obvious news peg (save for the fact that it’s been almost 100 years since Danish geneticist Wilhelm Johanssen coined the term “gene,” which, thankfully, is not overemphasized).

The genomic package was so good, in fact, that it may have caused some readers to overlook the other notable science article in yesterday’s paper, which appeared on the cover of another (Thanksgiving-inspired) special section called Giving. It’s an unexpected place for science, perhaps, but it provides a hook to another seemingly pegless but imminently important story. This one is about the private medical research foundations, each geared toward curing a specific disease, that are bridging the gap between government-funded basic research and applied therapies.

The Times’s account, by business writer Joe Nocera, focuses on the eponymous foundation created by actor Michael J. Fox, who has Parkinson’s disease. In its attempts to find the cause of and cure for that neurological disorder, Nocera writes, the Fox Foundation, “has joined a small but growing group of what might be called activist disease foundations — foundations that operate with speed and urgency and a business model completely unlike the traditional foundation model, or the National Institutes of Health, for that matter.”

Essentially, what sets the Fox Foundation apart is its business-oriented, rather than philanthropy-oriented, approach. Instead of growing its grant-making endowment, Fox is concerned with getting money to researchers that need it, and actively monitoring the return on that investment. The kind of return the organization expects, however, is also different.

There are generally two paths that biomedical research can follow: basic (which is usually publically funded) and applied (which is usually privately funded). The problem is that discoveries produced by the former can take an astoundingly long time to evolved into the medicines and therapies produced by the latter. The Fox Foundation wants to improve upon that system by focusing on “translational” research—“meaning the applied biology research it paid for was intended to eventually translate into a treatment or a drug.”

That’s no easy task. As Nocera notes up high in his piece, “Collectively, [such foundations] spend hundreds of millions of dollars each year. And yet — and here is the rub — the diseases they are trying to cure remain stubbornly uncured.” That frustrating reality comes through just as forcefully in an article by Sharon Begley in the current issue of Newsweek, headlined “Where Are the Cures?” Her piece mentions Fox, as well as number of other foundations, but focuses on the systemic problems that inhibit research:

The nation's biomedical funding and training system are set up to do one thing, and they do it superlatively: make discoveries. That is what scientists dream of, that is what gets them published in leading journals (the coin of the realm in academia) and that is what gets them grants from the National Institutes of Health. Here's what doesn't get them any of those: the grunt work that [Hans] Keirstead did to turn his spinal-cord breakthrough [injecting stem cells into rats with severed spines in order to cure paralysis] into something that can be tried in patients.

These barriers to "translational" research (studies that move basic discoveries from bench to bedside) have become so daunting that scientists have a phrase for the chasm between a basic scientific discovery and a new treatment. "It's called the valley of death," says Greg Simon, president of FasterCures, a center set up by the (Michael) Milken Institute in 2003 to achieve what its name says. The valley of death is why many promising discoveries—genes linked to cancer and Parkinson's disease; biochemical pathways that ravage neurons in Lou Gehrig's disease—never move forward.

Begley’s piece then takes a political twist (the only apparent peg for the story, though it appears down low) with the mention that “The next administration and Congress have a chance to change that, radically revamping the nation's biomedical research system by creating what proponents … call a ‘center for cures’ at NIH. The center would house multidisciplinary teams of biologists, chemists, technicians and others who would take a discovery such as Keirstead's and nurture it along to the point where a company is willing to put up the hundreds of millions of dollars to test it in patients.”

Whether or not that idea will come to fruition remains to be seen. According to the Democrat and Chronicle in New York, however, the University of Rochester is building a $76.4 million Clinical and Translational Science Institute that will be the “first building of its kind in the nation.”

At any rate, both the Times and Newsweek deserve credit for drawing attention to these rather profound changes in the fields of genomics and biomedical research. Without immediate and obvious news pegs, these wide-angle, forward-looking stories are not easy to tell in the modern media climate, yet the emerging trends expressed therein are likely to one day have significant impacts on human health.

New presidents get A Honeymoon Period.

With peers around the world. With Congress. With the public. With the press (and "there's nothing unjournalistic about that," right, Chris Matthews?). Meaning, a stretch of time during which each of these groups will be more inclined to get along and go along with the new president as he settles in, giving him a chance to sip rum punches and bask in the fleeting warmth of good will or, if he's so inclined, embark on a more active honeymoon of pushing as much of his agenda as possible before that good will sun sets.

How long will Obama's honeymoon last? Will it be a long weekend in the Poconos? A two-week Caribbean cruise? A respite longer and more luxurious still? (Aren't we all broke?)

No one knows. We'll have to wait and see. In other words: let's guess!

And, this being a journalism blog, let's focus on the guesses, specifically, about the length of Obama's media honeymoon (though there have been many guesses made about how long public good will, Republican good will, and global good will towards Obama might last, including the alarming pronouncement Sunday by MSNBC's terrorism analyst, Evan Coleman, that "Barack Obama is going to have a really short honeymoon period at least as far as Al Qaeda goes.")

But, about that media honeymoon.

Yesterday on MSNBC, New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd explained under what circumstances she'll be willing to chip in for an Obama honeymoon and how much (think: just for showing up and blank check):

JOHN HARWOOD: Do you think that Barack Obama is going to have a honeymoon, given the scale of the problems that he is inheriting? The difficulty that Republicans are in and the interest they are going to have in taking him down a notch? What do you think?

DOWD: Well, I know that conventional wisdom is that it is going to be really hard for him, but I think that Americans have felt so beleaguered. I mean in this election, Americans wanted to feel like Americans again...We want to be the leaders of the world. So I think he will get a lot of points if he even tries. President Bush bicycled his way through so many crises. He vacationed through the warnings about Osama bin Laden, he bicycled through Katrina, he didn't see the economic crisis coming, didn't see the Iraq insurgency and civil war coming though he was warned. So I think if a president is actually reading his CIA briefs that would be a great step in the right direction.

And, while it's not clear that this was media-honeymoon-specific, Harwood offered his own two cents on MSNBC earlier yesterday:

TAMRAN HALL: Will he get a honeymoon? With two wars and what we are seeing on Wall Street?

HARWOOD: Well, sure. There's a tremendous amount of good feeling associated with Barack Obama's victory. The question is how much time does he have? Some period of weeks or months, but it's not going to be years.

Please, can anyone be more specific?

Not Anne Kornblut of the Washington Post who, on MSNBC Friday, said:

In terms of a honeymoon, sure he's going to have -- we saw today at the press conference some light-hearted questions, he's going to get laughter from the press corps for a little while at least. He's also going to get pressed to making more specific answers to questions than he has in the first few days as president-elect.

"A little while at least?" That's not what Judge Judy said on CNN Monday night to Larry King. No, the Judge sentenced Obama to a "long" media honeymoon:

KING: How long a honeymoon does he get?


JUDGE: I think he gets a long honeymoon. I think the media loves Barack Obama. I think that the print media, the electronic media love him and are prepared to cut him an awful lot of slack.

And yet last Friday, CNN's Heidi Collins pronounced the honeymoon already come and gone. "If there was a honeymoon at all, it is over. President-Elect Obama is already being slammed by some conservatives as a divider and not a uniter," going on to cite Things Said by Rush Limbaugh.

On Fox News Friday night, Gov. Mike Huckabee put an actual expiration date on Obama's media honeymoon:

GRETA VAN SUSTEREN: ...The media gives a little grace period after the election, but they can get mean, they can get tough...

HUCKABEE: And the media that loved [Obama] and was in the tank for him, they'll turn on him probably sometime around February first. That's the way it works. You have a short-lived honeymoon.

So, Obama's got until the day before Groundhog Day to have his way with reporters. Give or take.

Annie, Get Your Gun

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Let’s face it, trend stories are notoriously tricky. They start off with an innocent hunch, and then before you know it, that nasty, jerky Confirmation Bias rears its head, and all of the sudden, everything you see confirms your cute little theory. Sometimes it’s merely an exercise in inanity: a la “More Men Are Unabashedly Embracing Their Love of Cats.” Sometimes, it’s a lot worse.

Today’s Chicago Tribune contributes to the list of trend stories that should have never been published with “Obama win triggers run on guns”.

Oh boy. The thinking here is incredibly transparent. “Has the election of a president who favors common-sense gun laws affected gun sales?” That’s the question reporter Howard Witt set out to answer.

A week after the election of Barack Obama, gun buyers across the country are voting with their feet, flocking to gun stores to stock up on assault rifles, handguns and ammunition.

Some say they are worried that the incoming Obama administration will attempt to reimpose the ban on assault weapons that expired in 2004. Others fear the loss of their right to own handguns. A few say they are preparing to protect themselves in the event of a race war.

Unfortunately, statistics promptly answer his question: No! No, it hasn’t! Gun sales aren’t up! In fact, they’re down, according to the figures he cites.

There are no nationwide figures on gun sales available yet to document a post-election trend, and the number of pre-purchase background checks conducted by the FBI—a major barometer of national gun sales—actually rose more slowly through Oct. 31 of this year than during comparable periods in 2007 and 2006.

But anecdotal reports from around the nation suggest the sudden surge of November gun-buying is far surpassing the normal hunting-season spike that often occurs this time of year.

But he didn’t stop there. Citing “anecdotal reports from around the nation,” Witt soldiers on to find out why some people might be buying more guns.

From DeWayne Irwin, owner of Cheaper Than Dirt, a large gun store in Ft. Worth:

People are terrified of losing their right to protect themselves...With the economy the way it is, people are worried about instability. They are scared of civil unrest.

Jerry Bricco, owner of 1st Class Firearms in north suburban Zion:

We've had a lot of people concerned because our president-elect is extremely anti-gun and so is his running mate...They're afraid of future gun bans and what you will be allowed to get.

And then there’s the kicker quote from Ben Agger, a sociology professor at the University of Texas at Arlington:

Why are white people buying assault weapons? ... I almost hate to say it, but there is a deep-seated fear of the armed black man, because Obama now commands the military and other instruments of the justice system. They are afraid Obama will exact retribution for the very deep-seated legacy of slavery.

This last quote is scary in itself, because at no point does Witt assert that a larger portion of the gun-buying populace is white. But the quote just hangs.

Unlike innocuous trend stories—Women order steak on dates, OMG—Witt’s sources seem to hint at substantial and frightening developments. Read without skepticism, the piece suggests that the white men of America are buying up guns to hunker down for a great battle among the races, or that a crime wave caused by the slumping economy is going to sweet the country. Either way, pretty terrifying. But there’s no data to support these speculations, and the piece amounts to racists, conspiracy theorists, and ambitious business owners making uneducated guesses about a trend that isn’t there.

The logic here is infuriating. If you want to go ahead and say that gun sales are up—which they aren’t—because you talked to a bunch of gun store owners around the country and they’re telling you business is picking up, that’s fine, I guess. But, don’t! don’t! don’t! get all explanatory. This supposed uptick in sales occurred recently (whenever that is) and so did a presidential election. Correlation does not equal causation. And nonexistent correlation equals junk journalism.

Cosby, Part II

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So we kind of knew it was coming. We had suggestions of it a while ago (hmm, the Obamas seem a lot like another family...), and it's been tossed around here and there during the past week (you know, that other successful, upper-middle-class black family...). Then, on Friday, as Brent noted this morning, it got to The New York Times (Hux...). And then, soon after, to Politico (ta...). And finally, yesterday, to the LA Times (ble!). By which point it was, apparently—if for no other reason than simple saturation—Conventional Wisdom.

Yep: "the Huxtable effect" (or "the Huxtable factor," if you prefer): the notion that one of the first families of fictionalized sitcomia has somehow cleared the path for America's real-life first family. Because, apparently, The Cosby Show's couple helped Americans "visualize" Barack Obama's success. Because, apparently, Americans needed to "visualize" a black family in the White House before such a crazy phenomenon could actually occur. And because, apparently, we needed fictionalized role models of black stability because we lacked, you know, non-fictional versions of the same.

Now, sure, the idea that pop culture tangentially influences political culture is valid enough. So is the notion that The Cosby Show—the most popular sitcom of the 1980s—helped promote racial tolerance and acceptance among racially isolated whites, in particular, and thus, in that very broad sense, assisted the ascendancy of the Obamas.

But to go further than that—to argue for any kind of direct and causal connection between Cliff Huxtable and Barack Obama—is to deprive Obama of agency over his own success. It's to imply that his electoral victory couldn't be due to a combination of political talent and smart strategy and good luck alone, but that a fictional family from the '80s must have, you know, "paved the way.” It’s also to imply that voters’ decisions last Tuesday weren’t just the result of their choosing the candidate that, by nearly all accounts, simply ran a better campaign than his opponent—but also the result of the fact that Bill Cosby made it somehow easier, or more acceptable, or more palatable for them to cast their votes for a black man. It’s insulting, all around.

And, more to the point, it’s simplistic. (Per the logic of “the Huxtable effect,” Queer Eye for the Straight Guy deserves credit for the burgeoning gay rights movement.) But that hasn’t stopped normally sane and cynical and self-critical media outlets from siphoning up all the sitcomic simplicity and repackaging it for cultural consumption. Take the lede from Friday's Times piece, "Before Obama, There Was Bill Cosby":

Some theorists argue that political and social change is preceded by shifts in popular culture. So it’s not surprising that the debate has heated up over who, or what, in arts and entertainment presaged Barack Obama’s election as president.

Many ideas have ricocheted around academia and the blogosphere — from Oprah Winfrey to Tiger Woods to Will Smith to “The West Wing,” to the many actors who have played black presidents, among them Morgan Freeman and Chris Rock (although not that many people actually saw Mr. Rock’s film “Head of State”).

But one idea seems to be gaining traction, and improbably it has Bill Cosby and Karl Rove in agreement: “The Cosby Show,” which began on NBC in 1984 and depicted the Huxtables, an upwardly mobile black family — a departure from the dysfunction and bickering that had characterized some previous shows about black families — had succeeded in changing racial attitudes enough to make an Obama candidacy possible.

Again, in part, fair enough. But to fixate on The Cosby Show as somehow culturally—and, now, politically—transformative is to suggest that society itself has been deficient in this regard. Sure, there are some whites who simply don’t know upwardly mobile black families—just as there are some blacks who simply don’t know upwardly mobile white families—but to generalize so broadly about the fictional family’s impact is to not-so-subtly suggest that, overall, the Huxtables’ impact has been as great as it has been because their real-world counterparts haven’t exerted enough cultural influence.

It’s a dig made all the more insidious for its subtlety—and all the more biting for its implications. As Brent very rightly noted, inherent in the Bill-begets-Barack framework is the notion that upper-middle-class black families are the only ones with real influence over broadly held cultural perceptions. "The Huxtables represented 'normal' life only by the standards of the white middle and upper middle class," he writes. "Meanwhile, many black communities around America in the eighties were being decimated by Reaganomics, AIDS, and the crack epidemic." Twenty years later, to continue to attribute cultural agency to the Huxtables is to continue to endorse the idea that “normalcy” is defined by class—and by a white notion of class, at that. Again: pretty simplistic. Pretty insulting.

The "Huxtable effect," and the Obama/Cosby comparison it implies, has been suggested many times before—but it reached a kind of solidification last Sunday, when the novelist and sometime cultural critic Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez coined the term, with no shortage of self-congratulation, in an Alternet article. The coinage was meant as an answer to "the Bradley effect":

In all the talk about the supposed "Bradley effect" in this year's presidential election, I think big media have missed the much bigger story, which is to say few of them are writing/broadcasting about "The Huxtable Effect."

"The Huxtable Effect," as I've coined it, speaks to the importance of images in popular culture -- TV, movies, music, books, etc. -- and formation of both a sense of self in viewers and, most importantly for our discussion now, a sense of others.
The origin of the author's epiphany—and it's a semantic epiphany alone: she's certainly not the first one to dream up the general, post-hoc-y relationship between Cliff Huxtable and Barack Obama—is, it's worth noting, completely random. (Valdes-Rodriguez thought of the Huxtable-Obama connection, she writes, while standing in line waiting to vote: "A couple of twenty-something college students, neither one African-American, stood in front of me chatting about how they both used to wish Cliff Huxtable was their dad when they were kids.") The randomness continued when, during his Fox commentary on election night, Karl Rove happened to invoke the Huxtables: “We’ve had an African-American first family for many years in different forms," Rove declared. "When The Cosby Show was on, that was America’s family. It wasn’t a black family. It was America’s family.” And the randomness continued when Bill Cosby himself, who was perhaps extra-excited to talk about his eponymous sitcom's Cultural and Political Influence because yesterday marked—wait for it—the release of The Cosby Show’s 25th anniversary DVD box set, chatted with reporters about his show’s impact.

In other words: a perfect storm of randomness. Three isolated facts that converge in the Times story and similar narratives to suggest the existence of the "Huxtable effect"—on the basis that, you know, proximity on the page signals causality in life.

The Times, of both coasts, from their perches at the top of the media food chain, have the luxury of writing about media narratives from the detached perspective of the Cultural Observer. We're not saying we agree with this whole "Huxtable effect" thing, they imply, we're just telling you that people are talking about it. It's a convenient posture to adopt, of course, one that positions the respective outlets as above the fray and, as such—it being unfair to shoot the messenger, and all—generally insulates them from criticism. But, just as there's a fine line between analyzing rumors and spreading them, there's also a fine line between repeating simplistic narratives and tacitly endorsing them. And it's a line these outlets, in their choice of stenography over criticism, have crossed.

As a result, in the midst of celebrating the historic nature of Obama's electoral victory—and, more important at this point, in this midst of his transition to the presidency, and of the vital work that he'll be doing in the days and weeks ahead—we're forced to endure glib, superficial, and insulting comparisons. Comparisons, incidentally, that even Cosby himself disputes: "This isn’t something that happened just because of a TV show," Cosby told the Times of Obama's win. The comedian's protests made little difference, though, at that point. Politico's headline for its excerpt of the Times piece? "How The Huxtables paved the way for The Obamas."

Get Schooled

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For the private secondary schools of Washington, D.C., the Obama sweepstakes have officially begun, with archrivals Sidwell Friends and Georgetown Day emerging as the two lead contenders to educate the president-elect’s two daughters. Washington Post education reporter Jay Mathews and US News and World Report education blogger Eddy Ramirez are already parsing the political implications of the Obamas' choice: Ramirez notes that Georgetown Day participates in the District's controversial voucher program, while Matthews recommends a well-regarded public elementary school just a few blocks from the White House.
The public vs. private dynamic is given added significance by the D.C. school system's recent overhaul at the hands of newly-appointed education chancellor Michelle Rhee, who was the subject of this adoring profile in the last Atlantic.

The media's efforts to associate the Obama school search with the president-elect's social and educational policies seems to build on some of the commentariat's early speculations on the candidate's reform agenda. In March, The New Republic ran a long article on Obama's commitment to education issues throughout the campaign; the Josh Patashnik-penned piece concluded that the waning power of teachers unions in the Democratic coalition could give Obama an opening on education reform. But just yesterday, The Wall Street Journal’s Robert Tomsho and John Hechinger determined that any "overhaul" of K-12 education was unlikely during the first couple years of Obama's term. As with many in the recent glut of "what'll he do during his first few months in office?"-type stories, the Journal account leaves much to the imagination:

Tom Loveless, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, a think tank, said he expects Mr. Obama to sidestep most major issues involving public schools and instead focus on small, symbolic initiatives in the mold of former President Bill Clinton's promotion of school uniforms as a way to instill discipline in classrooms.

Going by the media's parsing of the Malia and Sasha-stakes, Loveless, Tomsho and Co. will have less imagining to do once the Obamas make their decision. Wonder what they'll have to say if they go in a really unexpected direction—CJR has heard great things about Charles E. Smith Jewish Day School's lower school, although the National Cathedral School (located just down the street from the Vice Presidential mansion) would be a solid single-ed option. And although its name is somewhat misleading, the charter school School Without Walls would be a daring choice for the girls' high school years…

Readers may have wondered about the future funding of the new investigative-news organization ProPublica, if they saw an October 30 Bloomberg wire story on the impact Wachovia’s share decline has had on philanthropists Herbert and Marion Sandler (a link isn't available online).

Herbert Sandler is ProPublica’s chairman, and The Sandler Foundation is a key ProPublica funder. It gave a $1,250,000 grant to the embryonic organization in 2007, and followers of the media scene know that Sandler has projected his commitment to be “long term” (they also ought to know that his company Golden West was a huge purveyor of the "option ARM" mortgages that greatly exacerbated the mortgage crisis and a key reason for the collapse of Wachovia).

What's Palin Doing?

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Gov. Sarah Palin is "on a speed date with history," writes the New York Times's Alessandra Stanley today, guessing at the agenda behind Palin's recent dinner engagements with television anchors (and similar upcoming get-togethers). She's on a (go ahead, indulge yourself, Stanley) "redemption tour" in which she's "the headliner and her former running mate is a historical footnote" (and the reporters interviewing her are, I guess, stage hands? Roadies? Groupies?) Palin is sounding, says Stanley, "highly 'Sarah-centric'" of late (the term Palin herself used "to describe her campaign rallies, arguing that fans were responding to her more as a symbol than as a person.") Writes Stanley:

Palin could be turning to television to restore her tarnished image, jump-start a 2012 presidential bid, or both. But so far, viewers have mostly witnessed some of the very traits - disarming candor and staggering presumption - that drove some McCain campaign aides to leak damaging accusations about her.

Which isn't a very "Sarah-centric" way to explain those leaks, given it ignores entirely the possibility that a desire to divert blame for the loss (don't look at me!) might have been something, too, that "drove some McCain aides to leak damaging accusations about her."

The WSJ is good here in looking at how the newly expanded AIG bailout is basically a backdoor bailout to banks. What it’s doing is bailing out the financial geniuses who bought up CDOs and then insured them with a company that couldn’t afford to insure them.

Under the plan announced Monday, the banks will get to keep the collateral they received from AIG, much of which came when the government made funds available to AIG in September. The banks also will sell the CDOs to the new facility at market prices averaging 50 cents on the dollar. The banks that participate will be compensated for the securities' full, or par, value in exchange for allowing AIG to unwind the credit-default swaps it wrote…

"It's like a home run for some of the banks," says Carlos Mendez, a senior managing director at ICP Capital, a fixed-income investment firm in New York. "They bought insurance from a company that ran into trouble and still managed to get all, or most, of their money back."

It’s like a home run hit by a juiced-up ballplayer—it’s a scandal. How big will the bonuses be this year?

I like this excellent analogy here:

The plan is analogous to an insurer buying a house it provided fire insurance on, negating the need for an insurance policy on the home.

But the spin is enough to make me retch:

A person familiar with the government's rescue plan says it wasn't specifically designed to benefit individual banks at the expense of U.S. taxpayers and AIG, which will end up bearing the risk of the CDOs. However, officials wanted to give banks sufficient incentives to sell the securities so that AIG could cancel the swaps.

We haven’t even begun to see the revulsion and uproar from citizens over the scandals on Wall Street and the Washington know-nothings who let them happen.

Did Bill Cosby Beget Obama?

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On Saturday, The New York Times published a piece in its Arts section entitled “Before Obama, There Was Bill Cosby,” which unwittingly distills the disparate treatment by the press of race and class in this campaign. The piece makes the case that The Cosby Show, which ran from 1984 to 1992, was the central cultural phenomenon that laid the groundwork for a successful Obama candidacy—the idea being that, as the first TV show to depict a black family in a way that white America could identify with, it created a comfort zone around the notion of a stable black family headed by professionals.

That’s fine as far as it goes, but what the Times piece ignores is that the Huxtables represented “normal” life only by the standards of the white middle and upper middle class. Meanwhile, many black communities around America in the eighties were being decimated by Reaganomics, AIDS, and the crack epidemic. The Huxtables were “safe” blacks in the age of crack, and reinforced the idea of the general accessibility of The American Dream—that if you work hard, you don’t need government help.

It’s interesting that the article notes a 1994 study of the show by Sut Jhally, a professor of communications at the University of Massachusetts, which became a book entitled Enlightened Racism: The Cosby Show, Audience, and the Myth of the American Dream, but doesn’t let the book’s harsh critique interrupt the positive narrative of the article.

Jhally’s book (co-authored with Justin Lewis), about which the Times piece says only that it was “critical” of the show, concludes that The Cosby Show reinforces the myth that blacks who don’t “make it” have only themselves to blame. The summary of the book on Jhally’s Web site describes how the show’s “images of the black upper class … hide and distort how most blacks live, thus relieving white viewers of responsibility for such inequalities. Neither blacks nor whites interviewed think clearly about class; thus, our society cannot think clearly about how race and class intersect.”

In an interview, Jhally says that before Cosby, the portrayal of blackness on television was mostly as a problem, as pathology. “What white audiences wanted was a guilt-free interaction around race,” he says, “and that’s what Bill Cosby gave them.”

(It’s interesting, too, to consider this assessment of The Cosby Show in light of Bill Cosby’s ongoing “call-out” campaign, in which he travels the country dismissing the obstacle of systemic racism and preaching the gospel of personal responsibility to the “lower-economic and lower-middle-economic” blacks who “are not holding their end in this deal.”)

Race and class intersected all over the place in this campaign, and yet very few of those intersections were dealt with in any substantial or nuanced way by the press.

Why, for instance, did we only hear about racism among white, working-class voters in the Rust Belt or the South? There is no single answer to that question, but one factor surely is that from the vantage point of the mostly white, middle- and upper-middle-class journalists who inhabit our newsrooms, those are among the last bastions of racism in the country. Never mind that the traditional image of the working class—white, male, industrial—has been supplanted by a reality that is heavily female, immigrant, and in service-sector jobs. Never mind, too, that if we were to plunk those journalists down in a housing project in East New York, say, or Chicago’s south side, we would have a very different conversation about racism in America.

In all coverage that discussed Obama’s candidacy as “post-racial,” that noted how he transcended the race-based politics of the civil rights-era black leaders, it was rarely stated overtly that in most every way save skin color, the Obama who appeared on the national stage fit neatly into the perception in middle-class America—journalists included—of who its leaders should be. He went to Columbia and Harvard. He is affluent. He speaks like we do. No matter the uniqueness of his story, he is familiar to us. He is the embodiment of the truth that white, middle-class America—thanks in part to The Cosby Show—has attained a level of comfort with the now-substantial black middle class. But what about poor and working-class blacks? There the story gets a whole lot more complicated.

As always, there were exceptions. The Wall Street Journal’s Jonathan Kaufman got beneath the surface with a number of pieces he wrote about class in the campaign, including one particularly sharp article that dealt with the class divide in the black community. But as the Cosby Show article reminds us, class still doesn’t register in any broad or meaningful way in our mass media. However uneven and incomplete the conversation in the press was about race during the campaign, it was far more robust and evolved than the conversation about class, which was barely audible.

In fairness, the reporter who wrote the Times story probably had a day to do it and very little space to air out much complexity. But that is at least part of my point: How can we expect reporters who have little or no background with working class people—or poor people, or racial and ethnic minorities—to get beyond one-dimensional portrayals dominated by middle-class stereotypes if they aren’t encouraged to do so by their editors? If they aren’t given the time and the space to overcome their blind spots? Note to Bill Cosby and to Bill Keller: the well-intentioned reporter can only get so far by tugging on his own bootstraps; some institutional and systemic help is in order.

John Russo, who runs the Center for Working Class Studies at Youngstown State, says the resentment of the press among members of the working class is similar to the resentment of politicians. “Every four years they come to get their stories just like the politicians come to get their votes,” he says, “and then they’re gone.” The story of Obama’s victory in many of these “blue-collar hamlets” of Ohio and Pennsylvania says as much about the people there as it does about Obama. If the national media would spend a little more time exploring what happens in these parts of America between presidential campaigns, they might do a better job of explaining them when it comes time to hit the trail again.

Consumer Crash

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David Leonhardt has some interesting numbers in his column in the Times today and makes the case that the talked-about $150 billion stimulus package won’t be nearly big enough to offset the likely decline in consumer spending.

At that rate, consumer spending would decline about 1 percent next year, which is worse than it sounds. It would be the first annual decline since 1980, as I mentioned above, and the biggest since 1942. Relative to the typical increases from recent years, it would represent $400 billion in lost consumer spending.

And get this: Spending in the last few months has actually been falling at an annual rate of 3 percent. So the seemingly pessimistic events I have sketched out here are based on the assumption that things are about to get better.

Yeesh.

The next question is how much of that income people will spend. For decades — from the 1950s through the 1980s — Americans spent about 91 percent of their income, on average, and put away the rest. In the last few years, they have spent close to 99 percent and saved only about 1 percent.

It would have been nice to point out that the savings decline coincided with stagnating incomes, meaning the average American found it much harder to keep their standard of living stable and had to spend more their income to make it.

Yes, many newspapers quickly sold out of their November 5th editions. One person who didn't rush out to buy his local paper (with the "BARACK OBAMA SEIZES HISTORIC WIN" headline) was Sen. John McCain. The morning after, McCain told Jay Leno last night on The Tonight Show, McCain drove himself to "get a cup of coffee... but not the newspaper. I knew what it was gonna say."


Yes, It's This Bad

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Barry Ritholtz over at his newly redesigned (like ours, hope you noticed) site, does a good deed posting the information of a man he saw near Grand Central Terminal in a Great Depression-style sandwich board reading "Almost homeless. Looking for Employment."

BusinessWeek saw the post and went and interviewed the man, Paul Nawrocki. His situation isn't good. He's 59 and was a middle manager at a toy company that went bankrupt. His wife is disabled and on fifteen medicines.

There are a lot of Americans like Nawrocki, either constantly on the edge or pushed over it. And there's going to be a lot more of this before things get better.

Nawrocki has some thoughts on the bailout:

Then there will be huge bonuses for executives who mismanaged their companies, requiring taxpayers to bail them out. I don't know about you, but none of the companies I have ever worked for gave bonuses to people who screwed up.


Does anyone realize that $700 billion is seven hundred thousand million dollars? Wouldn't it have been a great stimulus package if they just gave the money to us? Families could pay off their debt and maybe make ends meet again. But that's not going to happen any time soon because then too many people would be freed from control of the banks.

Rockin' in the Fee World

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Here’s a good, newsy personal-finance story. The Journal reports that banks are turning the screws on their customers, pushing those nasty and often semi-hidden fees on checking accounts to record highs. Their customers are already bailing them out via their taxes, so why not hit them up again?

Last week, Citigroup Inc.'s Citibank started charging some customers a new $10 "overdraft protection transfer fee" to transfer money from a savings account or line of credit to cover a checking-account shortfall. Citibank had already raised foreign-exchange transaction fees on its debit cards and added minimum opening deposit requirements for its checking accounts. Over the past year, J.P. Morgan Chase & Co.'s Chase, Bank of America Corp., and Wells Fargo & Co. have boosted the fees they charge noncustomers who use their automated teller machines to as much as $3 per transaction…

Consumers are likely to see the most pain from bounced-check and overdraft fees. "By the end of 2009, you will start to see fairly substantial increases in overdraft fees" for the big banks, potentially to as high as $40 per occurrence from a current range of $32 to $35, says Mike Moebs, chief executive of Moebs $ervices Inc., an economic research firm in Chicago.

Such fees are key contributors to banks' bottom lines. About 90% of banks' consumer-fee income comes from overdraft and insufficient-funds charges, which are expected to increase to $42 billion this year from $20.7 billion in 1999, says Mr. Moebs.

And I’m betting there are going to be a lot more bounced checks in the next couple of years. Just another thing for already-hammered consumers to worry about.

Presidential Comparisons

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Barack Obama may have said that he doesn’t “look” like any of the presidents on dollar bills, but that hasn’t stopped the media from comparing our president-elect to past leaders on the currency and off.

Some of these comparisons are apt, and some are ridiculous. Some attempt to diffuse the novelty of the Obama presidency with historical perspective; others point to previous challenges that dampen the high notes of hope. As a whole, however, they reflect a press perplexed.

There are the expected comparisons:

JFK: “For all these surface similarities, however, the most important aspect of Kennedy's campaign mirrored in Obama's may be the way that JFK handled his Catholicism. In the 1960 campaign, Kennedy turned his religion from a liability into an asset. Obama seems to be doing the same thing with his race.”

FDR: “The answer is, a lot. But Barack Obama should learn from F.D.R.’s failures as well as from his achievements: the truth is that the New Deal wasn’t as successful in the short run as it was in the long run.”

Reagan: “Obama is touting a new and unconventional brand of grass-roots politics, but his strategy borrows from precedents set by a previous generation of Democrats such as Jimmy Carter and Gary Hart. His advisers also invoke as inspiration a surprising Republican: Ronald Reagan.”

Lincoln: “Filmmaker Ken Burns -- maker of the "Civil War," "Baseball" and other series -- today jumped into the fray to endorse Obama, hailing him for his "moral courage" and "unironic posture" and comparing him at one point to another Illinois politician Burns knows a bit about, Abraham Lincoln.”

And some surprising ones too:

Andrew Jackson: “ “We’re still working on what exactly defines us as Americans,” said Cumberland University history professor Mark Cheathem, whose 2007 Old Hickory’s Nephew examines the Jackson and Donelson families. “Jackson gives us a view of that definition in the early to mid-19th century. FDR gives us a definition of that in 1930s and ’40s. Maybe Obama gives us a definition in the coming decade.”

Martin Van Buren: “Van Buren, like Obama and McCain, was forced to focus on the economy in his campaign. Doubt crept into investors' minds. As credit lines dwindled and interest rates soared, overly leveraged firms found themselves unable to secure the loans they needed to meet their payments. Sound familiar?”

Herbert Hoover: “I was speaking to my good friend, Professor Gerald Matacotta tonight and he explained that the major issue we are now facing is the economy and on this issue Barack Obama follows in the footsteps of Herbert Hoover, who was a Republican in name only (RINO). Rather, he was a progressive and a social engineer, who funded massive public works programs with monumental tax increases.”

Jimmy Carter: “Obama's supporters may imagine their man to be the next Roosevelt or Kennedy. But instead of BHO to follow FDR and JFK, he could end up being the next Jimmy Carter.”

Eisenhower: “Despite his own mantra of change and Republican efforts to tar him as a wild-eyed radical, Obama is temperamentally akin to Eisenhower in his reliance on persuasion and conciliation. If elected, he will face a much-more-divided America, but his instinct will be like Ike’s–to reason and heal.”

LBJ: “As I replay Obama’s victory moment in my head, it occurs to me how well Johnson’s phrase captures the ultimate significance of Barack Obama’s election: to fullfill these rights. Shattering forever the racial barriers and walls around the highest office in the land.”

Richard Nixon: “Both men have had their problems with plumbers. While Nixon's plommiers were in his employ, Obama's experience was more of a plumber ex machina, with America finally provided with an honest answer from the Great Dissembler extracted by a humble plumber, with Joe never having to wield his trusty pipe wrench.”

The New York Times takes a good look at the feeding frenzy of Washington lobbyists trying to get a piece of the bailout. This is gross:

Then there is the National Marine Manufacturers Association, which is asking whether boat financing companies might be eligible for aid to ensure that dealers have access to credit to stock their showrooms with boats — costs have gone up as the credit markets have calcified. Using much the same rationale, the National Automobile Dealers Association is pleading that car dealers get consideration, too…

Mr. Mason, 32, a lanky Texan in black cowboy boots who once worked in the White House for Karl Rove, shook his head over the dozens of phone calls and e-mail messages he gets every week. “I was telling a friend, ‘this must have been how the Politburo felt,’ ” he said.

I like the angle the Times takes. Hanging the story off of the obscure guy at Treasury who gets hit up for handouts was a good idea.

Pressed For Information

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As Brian Kenny watched Lehman Brothers’ collapse on Sept. 15 from his office inside the Harvard Business School, he knew there was little time to follow the unraveling news story—let alone consider his personal financial stakes. Kenny, the chief of marketing and communications at HBS, realized immediately that he would soon become very popular among members of the media.

“Shortly after the Lehman incident—I’d say within twenty-four hours—we had a meeting of five or six people from different departments at the business school to think of ways that we could provide leadership on this topic,” he says.

With once-sturdy financial institutions having collapsed, and markets extremely volatile, business schools across the country have been swamped by media to make sense of the global economic crisis. And these schools, out of a sense of duty and a desire for publicity, have been answering the media’s call—whether it be for insight into the economy’s inner workings, information on business school applications, or job placement rates among recent graduates.

“The calls came in almost immediately in two categories,” Kenny says. The first: “Reporters wanted to know what was going to happen next, and what was the implication of this on our MBA students and graduates.”

Harvard wasn’t the only school deluged with press requests. Media relations personnel at Columbia and University of Chicago’s business schools said their offices were busier in the last month than any point in communications director Allan Friedman’s previous eighteen years there, he said. At University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School, the two-person communications department enlisted a group of former staff members to help process media requests coming from as far as Ghana and India. “I stayed at work real late on Sept. 16,” says Peter Winicov, the senior associate director of communications at Wharton. “We’re just a couple of people in our office, working all day and all night.”

Between fielding calls from journalists and scheduling interviews with the appropriate faculty members, these communication offices also published their own videos and articles regarding the economic crisis and highlighting their faculty’s analysis. The site has published 50 percent more content since Sept. 15 than they did over the same period last year.

Media savvy professors who speak eloquently about the crisis have also found themselves sought after by a news environment characterized by twenty-four-hour business news channels and ever-updating Web sites. Nouriel Roubini, a professor at NYU’s Stern School of Business who predicted the recent turmoil two years ago, has been cited in at least fifty print articles since Sept. 15. At Harvard, business history professor Nancy Koehn and professor emeritus Samuel Hayes have been quoted in no fewer than a dozen articles over the same time. Jeremy Siegel, a finance professor at Wharton, has given over ten on-air interviews, at least one per day in the first four days following Lehman’s collapse.

“Jeremy went straight from an interview with CNN to a lecture to another interview with the Canadian Broadcasting Channel,” says Winicov. “It’s self-perpetuating. Once the media see a professor speak well on a subject, they tend to ask for that same professor.”

The beneficial association with a media-appointed economic authority hasn’t been lost on these business schools, either. Some schools have used the boon in media attention to their advantage, highlighting faculty commentary in news articles and appearances on television on their Web sites. On the front page of its Web site, NYU’s Stern School of Business features a rolling news feed of quotes from their professors. Wharton’s front page links to a special section called “Wall Street’s Day of Reckoning” (featuring bear and bull statuettes engulfed in flames). The University of Chicago Graduate School of Business’s media relations office has contributed to a university-wide “Crisis Page.” Cornell University’s Johnson School of Management launched a series of Web casts named Business@Cornell with discussions about the financial crisis.

Even though the hysteria has abated somewhat, the University of Chicago’s press office is still fielding a steady stream of crisis-related inquiries. “We are still sending e-mail alerts to our students and alumni featuring research items, op-eds, etc. that are related to the crisis,” communicatiosn director Friedman said. In mid-October, Harvard successfully launched a Web site devoted to faculty opinion and research on the financial crisis.

The Web site was conceived during the meetings Kenny attended in mid-September. The launch date was set days after a business summit celebrating of the school’s Centennial from Oct. 12 through 14. Harvard opened its business school in 1908 partly in response to the Panic of 1907, which sent stocks into a tailspin and paralyzed several Wall Street firms and banks. “It seems that one of these crises happens every 100 years,” says Kenny. “If I’m around for the bicentennial, I’m going to take the weekend off.”

NYT Headline Zen

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From Slate today, a look at some New York Times headlines that double as pieces of metaphysical wisdom. Among the best:

- "Honesty Is the Sole Policy, Except When It's Not" (Aug. 2)

- "NBC Is Broadcasting Live, Except When It Isn't" (Aug. 10)

- "Job Hunting Is, and Isn't, What It Used to Be" (Sept. 26)

- "Dead Language That's Very Much Alive" (Oct. 6)

Let's all put one hand together and clap for the article's author, Jessica Winter.

New Title, New Candor?

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This, in the middle of a CabinetStakes segment on MSNBC just now, from former Chicago Tribune editor and current "MSNBC political analyst" Jim Warren:

David [Shuster], just between us, having lived through two of these as Washington Bureau Chief for the Tribune, we're sort of into a silly journalistic season, the great Washington parlor game of who's going to be the secretary [of state], which so often, between us again, nobody should listen to this, is often filled with absolutely rank speculation and fact-free analyses. We should hope that no graduate journalism students look back on our stories because usually they're wrong...

The First Lady’s Sitting Room

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Press and public alike watched intently as the Obamas visited the White House Monday afternoon. But unlike The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and The Boston Globe, The Washington Post devoted a separate article detailing Michelle Obama’s visit with Laura Bush. And while it’s an interesting read, it’s also a bit of a throwback:

Meeting privately with Laura Bush while her husband conferred with the president in the Oval Office, the incoming first lady was participating in a century-old Washington ritual that represents the softer side of the serious business of a presidential transition.

“Softer side” is an apt phrase for the article, written by reporters Richard Leiby and Valerie Strauss. And it’s worth pointing out, without faulting the story too much, that it aptly highlights the conflict between the need to justify measuring-the-drapes coverage and the desire to swoon wholesale before evergreen, romantic interpretations of White House lore.

The story of Michelle Obama's visit with Laura Bush is, by its nature, a bit of a fluff story—not because First Ladies are unimportant, but because there’s not very much real news involved in their meeting. Sure, people want to read about it. And that’s absolutely fine. But that should mean that reporters can write the story with historical gravitas (the Post article is titled “Future First Lady, Finding Her Home in History”), sweet humor (a fourth-grader at Georgetown Day School, where Michelle Obama paid a visit, is quoted as saying, “Our teachers told us not to get excited but to show Michelle it was a regular school day and that we aren't crazy kids”), or something similar—and without having to run a justifying explanation for the story.

Here’s some of that justification: “It's a tradition that may not rank with the passing of secret nuclear-launch codes, but the White House visit by Michelle and Barack Obama was no less freighted with significance.” Sigh—let’s unpack that. Say the Barack-George meet-and-greet involved the, ahem, passing of secret nuclear-launch codes (Bush’s mnemonic devices to remember them?) or some such. The NYT account, for instance, notes that in the two men's meeting "there was as much substance as style." That leaves the Michelle-Laura meet-and-greet apparently needing defense—while it "may not rank" with the more important points of transition, it was still “freighted with significance.”

The it’s not-as-significant-as-nuclear-codes but still significant explanation feels just a bit dated. Michelle Obama has made it clear that she is unconflicted over her role in the White House; why should reporters rush to validate her portion of the visit?

Similarly, maybe it’s time to dig more deeply to get more relevant quotes from White House historians. The Post article quotes Carl Sferrazza Anthony, who has written several books about presidential spouses, describing the first lady’s sitting room, where "windows afford a direct view of the Oval Office below”: “She can really keep an eye on who's coming and going, who's meeting with the president." It’s a harmless comment, but it would seem that if we’re tripping over ourselves to talk about race appropriately—neither treading too softly nor landing with too much of an awkward thud—then we should be able to find (or elicit from sources) some new imagery and different ways to describe the preoccupations of the Woman-in-the-White-House. The image that Anthony offers, at least for me, is one that's extremely outdated.

Later in the article, we get the following explanatory paragraph—a why we’re talking about this kind of paragraph:

How the Obamas entertain, how they decorate, where their children will attend school -- ultimately all first family choices and activities add to an aggregate public impression. Historians now study first ladies as keenly as their husbands.

Can't we do away with that second line? Such explicitness is no longer necessary, and its existence in this article shows a knee-jerk impulse (while reporting on the non-nuclear-code topics) to whisper the justifying aside “First Ladies are important!” or the more sheepish “we know it’s just about measuring drapes” into Americans' ears.

But if the First-Lady-to-be is herself comfortable with her role as it matches her priorities, the press shouldn’t feel the need to mince its words in describing her domestic concerns in the White House. In that sense, the ending line of the story (“So yet another evolution awaits Michelle Obama: lawyer, wife, mother, politician -- and now, first decorator”) though it may bug a feminist or two, doesn’t need any additional context.

Semi-Official Symbol of Woe

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Radio in Motion

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From the Upright Citizens Brigade: If you love NPR and dance, you'll love NPR jingles interpreted through dance.

If the theme to "Morning Edition" makes you want to shake your moneymaker, this video will hit the spot.

Was 2008 the MSM's last hurrah?

On his Reflections of a Newsosaur blog last week, Alan Mutter, a media executive and former newspaper editor, argued that 2008 was the “last hurrah” for mainstream media and that the race provided ample evidence that this marginalization is already well under way. He cited the shrinkage of newspaper circulations to “mid-1940s” levels and the fact that 33.5 million watched the Obama infomercial in late October, millions more than all the network news programs combined on a good night. Clearly the world has changed. But to what extent has “the MSM” (and maybe we can define some terms in the course of this discussion) lost influence over presidential campaigns? Is mainstream media truly in danger of becoming a marginal player in our democracy?

We’ll ask a journalism question like this one every Tuesday, and we invite you to join us in a conversation.

Our Historical Past

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Last week’s election was “historical.” It was also “historic.”

As my predecessor Evan Jenkins explained here in 2004, “By hoary consensus, ‘historic’ has been reserved for events of great moment, like the Battle of Yorktown or the Emancipation Proclamation. To describe a longtime pattern, like Chilean-Bolivian enmity, or for any variation on the broad notion ‘relating to history,’ the job is best done by ‘historical.’”

Nearly every dictionary and usage authority agree on those preferences, which, of course, does not guarantee adherence. (Merriam-Webster’s 11th Collegiate Dictionary stands virtually alone in having its first definition of “historic” as “historical.”) The two are often used interchangeably, and rarely does anyone misunderstand what is meant.

Still, though everything “historic” is also “historical,” not everything “historical” is “historic,” and there are times when the distinction is useful. The Declaration of Independence, for example, can be called both “historical” and “historic.” But when one wants to emphasize the singular nature of an event, “historic” is less ambiguous and more correct.

More common, though, is the dispute over whether to say or write that something is “a historic event” or “an historic event.” Nearly every American student learned to use “an” in front of a vowel, but there is a sharp disagreement over using “an” in front of a word beginning with the letter “h.” The arguments fall into two general categories: The first says that if the “h” is silent, the first sound acts a vowel, so “an” should be used (an hour), but if the “h” is spoken, it counts as a consonant, so it should be preceded by “a” (a hotel). The second is that if the emphasis is on the first syllable, “a” should be used (a hat), but if the emphasis is on any other syllable, it’s dealer’s choice (a heroic act or an heroic act).

Of course, those “rules” will depend on how you speak. For example, if you’re English, especially Cockney, you will probably say “an hotel” in apparent disagreement with both those guidelines. But most American usage authorities, seeking consensus if not a mandate, prefer “a historic election,” in the same way they might refer to the recent election result as “a heroic victory for Democrats but a horrendous defeat for the Republican Party.”

Secret's out. Maureen Dowd, just now, on MSNBC's New York Times "Transition Edition:"

JOHN HARWOOD (MSNBC/New York Times): What will it be like for you as one of the best-known columnists in America to have to change your mindset from a president who you have been skewering pretty consistently for the last eight years to one that you feel pretty good about but still have to be a fair critic?

DOWD: Well, Sarah Palin told Greta Van Susteren last night that she has been praying about 2012 and I have been praying that Sarah Palin gets back here as quickly as possible.

HARWOOD: You are worried you might lose your edge with Obama?

DOWD: I just much prefer scandals about Neiman Marcus to uh, you know, weighty academics talking about the economy.....

Which reminded a colleague who was watching TV with me of the part in A Few Good Men when Col. Jessep finally cops to ordering the code red.

HARWOOD: Did you write The Maverick Wears Prada" screenplay-column, Maureen Dowd? Did you call Gov. Palin "Valentino Barbie?"

DOWD: You're goddamned right I did!.... I did my job, I'd do it again!

At the end of the MSNBC segment, anchor Tamran Hall chimed in and said (referencing, I guess, Dowd's repeated mentions during the segment of Bush and Obama's shared dedication to gym workouts, as well as, perhaps, gym mentions in Dowd columns such as "Obama's Project Runway"):

It seems you did well with making a scandal of the gym so I don't think you will be short on material.

I share Hall's confidence in Dowd's "scandal-making" abilities.

Let's Go to Court!

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There will time later to assess who’s ahead and who’s behind in the coverage of the financial crisis and the unprecedented scandal it represents, but for now it is important for all news organizations to put aside their rivalries and do one thing: Join the Bloomberg lawsuit.

On Friday, Bloomberg LP, in the finest traditions of American investigative reporting, sued the Federal Reserve Board’s governors for public records that would answer two simple questions: Who is receiving $2 trillion in Fed loans and what kind of collateral are taxpayers getting to support them?

No, that’s not a typo. That’s trillion, with a “t.”

And, yes, as hard as it is to believe, taxpayers don’t know the identity of the borrowers to whom they are lending. They also don’t know what kind of junk—stocks? CDOs? Three milk cows and a ’69 Camaro?—they’re getting to support the federal loans.

A PDF of the suit is here. Business news organizations should file amicus briefs or otherwise help out.

As Bloomberg wrote yesterday in another hard-hitting and useful bailout report:

Nov. 10 (Bloomberg) — The Federal Reserve is refusing to identify the recipients of almost $2 trillion of emergency loans from American taxpayers or the troubled assets the central bank is accepting as collateral.

Unbelievable. But true!

False Readings

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It is 7:30 a.m. in washington and a bevy of reporters files into the Department of Commerce, which is kitty-corner from the Treasury. They take their seats, and the door is locked behind them. For the next hour, no one can go in or out. An official from the Bureau of Economic Analysis distributes the latest GDP estimates—that’s Gross Domestic Product—and answers questions. Then the reporters get an hour to file their stories.

This monthly event is called the lock-up, and in most times it is a metronome in the cycle of Washington economic news. The GDP is essentially a tally of the money that Americans spend over a given period. In a commercial culture, such transactions are alpha and omega, and the GDP updates are like utterances from the oracle. Amid the market turmoil that besets the country as I write, the GDP will loom as a harbinger of good times or bad.

The resulting stories have a strange combination of opacity and authority, a journalistic equivalent of the Latin mass. The specifics vary, but the script remains pretty much the same. There are upticks and downturns. Growth is robust or anemic, exceeds expectations or disappoints them. That is the story, in its Mr. Potato Head variations, along with portentous comment from those ubiquitous Wall Street analysts whose institutional interest in spinning the numbers somehow goes without mention.

Surface Routines

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Overload—the amount people feel compelled to know combined with the volume of information they have to sift through in order to know it—is perhaps the largest factor in the increasingly distinct difference between how people read printed material and how they read online. Faced with the reality of having two eyes, one brain, and what the latest count estimates to be one trillion Web pages, many people forego immersive reading of a handful of sites in order to skim the surface of thousands.

Although scores of academics study everything from how the number of hyperlinks on a page affects a user’s heart rate to how parents read e-books to their children, the new type of reading that the Web either drives or enables is here to stay.

Newspaper designers and editors have begun their own attempts to determine Web readers’ habits. It’s part of an effort to make newspaper Web content fit the pace and shape of the Internet, divine reader tastes, and determine how to bring an audience to their sites and make them stay awhile. But honing Web strategies can also be a process of exclusion. It has been argued that long-form narrative, in-depth analysis, and other time-consuming examples of newspapers’ strengths will not translate online—a rather dubious claim given the extremely varied Web content that exists today—but there is also little doubt that the Web is rapidly evolving, and it is impossible to predict, with any certainty, where that evolution will ultimately take us.

Talking Shop: Nate Silver

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Nate Silver is the founder of FiveThirtyEight.com, which predicted the presidential election's popular vote outcome to within tenths of a percentage point (it projected 52.3 percent for Obama, who received 52.7; and it projected 46.2 percent for McCain, who received 46.0). Silver's unique combination of accuracy with numbers and accessibility with narrative made FiveThirtyEight, founded in March 2008, the first blog ever to be selected as a Notable Narrative by Harvard's Nieman Foundation.

In its feature about Silver in yesterday's paper, The New York Times called the thirty-year-old Chicagoan "perhaps the most unlikely media star to emerge" out of "an election season of unlikely outcomes." Silver has been profiled in the Wall Street Journal, Newsweek, Science News, and New York magazine, and has appeared on CNN, MSNBC, HDNet, WNYC, and Air America, among others. Silver's newfound celebrity has led Gawker to offer him tailored advice on how he can continue to "rule the world," Facebook members to found a group entitled "There's a 97.3 Percent Chance That Nate Silver Is Totally My Boyfriend," and several media outlets to refer to him, without irony, as a "wunderkind."

CJR's Megan Garber spoke with Silver about campaign coverage, celebrity, and his plans for the future.

Megan Garber: How did the media attention evolve—or did it come all at once?

Nate Silver: It was a gradual buildup. We got a lot of attention after the Indiana and North Carolina primaries, where we had said basically that, hey, the polls are wrong here. Obama's going to win North Carolina definitively—it's not going be close—and Indiana's going to be really close, and Obama's going to win it. And that turned out to be correct in both states, where a lot of the people had anticipated Obama barely squeaking by in North Carolina and getting thumped in Indiana. So that got us a lot of notoriety, because we had kind of stuck our necks out a little bit.

And it all kind of feeds on itself. One thing about media in general, and new media in particular, is that it's not very linear—by which I mean it's not that you go from one thousand hits in a day to two thousand—it's, you know, from one thousand to ten thousand. And, likewise, there's a parallel track in terms of interview requests and everything else. It kind of went viral, for lack of a better term, and all of the sudden, you're really busy.

MG: Are you enjoying it, though?

NS: Yeah, I think so—now that I've had the chance to relax a little bit. One thing that's hard about the way we maintain the blog is that there wasn't any time off. We had two or three posts going up every day, at a minimum, and some days six or seven or ten, if a lot was going on. And because it was just me and my co-author, Sean Quinn—we have a photographer, too, but he's not doing writing for us—and a lot of times I was traveling, and whatever else, or just dead tired, or it felt like I'd been saying the same thing six days in a row—like, 'Oh, it's the convention bounce'—so there were times when it was a little bit of a chore. But for the most part, I've done a lot of fun things. I've, at various times, made a living writing about professional baseball, and made some income on the side playing poker. So I've done a lot of fun things. And this is definitely the most fun and fulfilling on balance.

MG: Did the TV appearances come naturally to you, or did you have to work at being an "on-air personality"?

NS: I wouldn't say it came naturally. I think I went from being about a C on TV to being a B+ by the end. It's definitely something where you need practice—it's not completely natural in terms of your body language and other stuff. You want to look straight ahead, but you also don't want to be so stiff. I think sometimes you learn lessons that are good starter rules, but kind of un-learn them eventually. 'Don't play with your hands a lot, because the frame's going to capture your neckline and a little below, and you don't want hands popping into and out of the frame.' But if you gesture and gesticulate a lot—or a little bit, I should say—that can add some life and body, I think, to the appearance. So there are little things like that. I sometimes wear glasses on these appearances because my eyes tend to dart around a little bit, and you wouldn't notice in person, but you'd certainly notice on television. So there are little tricks you learn.

By the end it was kind of fun. But there are also times when you've slept for all of three hours, and you have to do a TV hit, and you definitely hope they have a makeup person there, and whatever else. And other times you're like, "This is fun," and you're in the right mood, and everything goes great. It's definitely not something I anticipated doing when I started the Web site back in March.

MG: And what are your plans for later on? Are you going to stay in politics?

NS: Yeah, I think I'll be trying to split my time in some reasonably intelligent way. But I'm looking to probably write a book next year (one good thing about the media appearances is you have publishers who are interested in your stuff). And, on the site, we'll talk about the Congress. I think that, as compared with this point four years ago, there'll be a lot more real news. Obama seems very ambitious about what he wants to accomplish. He has Democrats in both chambers of Congress, so he doesn't have very many excuses not to get some stuff accomplished, so I think people will be interested in what he's doing.

And there's all this fascination over his chief of staff and stuff like that...and some of that stuff, I think, is kind of boring, but what I'm more interested in is the politics of it—Who are the key swing votes in the Senate? Who does Obama have to maintain good relationships with, and who can he afford to piss off?—and to kind of narrate that play-by-play, and everything else. Now, for example, which senators are up for re-election next year? There are a group of four or five moderate Republicans in tough races in 2010 in the Senate, and if Obama is popular, they're going to have a difficult time if they look like they're obstructing what he's trying to do. Likewise, there are red-state Democratic senators who, if Obama is unpopular, might want to position themselves against him. So you're going to go from a de-facto filibuster-proof majority of sixty-four or so senators if he's popular to barely getting fifty on some votes if he's not. There's a group of about a dozen swing votes in the Senate between moderate Republicans and moderate Democrats of various stripes.

MG: While it focuses on Congress, will FiveThirtyEight keep its current numbers-and-narrative formula?

NS: Yeah. And we're going to try and provide more data to people on the Congress, so you can look up someone's voting record, for example, in a way that we think is more interesting and intelligible than you might be able to find elsewhere right now. Maybe it'd be something where, if you have a vote in the House, you can try to map out and model, 'Why did people vote for this bill? Are there any people that look like they should have voted for this bill, and didn't? And, if so, why didn't they?' And then maybe you tie that in with, say, lobbying money. So there's a lot of creative ideas we have. It'll never be horse race stuff, I don't think. But we have a midterm in 2010—I think it's going to be really interesting—and we have some gubernatorial elections next year, and there'll be special elections, and stuff like that. The news tends to make itself. During the Clinton administration, when the Monica Lewinsky scandal broke, for example: We would have our ! own FiveThirtyEight way to cover that. Probably not talking about the gossip, but looking at his approval ratings and stuff like that. It's a busy time in the world, and I think there'll be no lack of things that we can lend our expertise to. Obviously, our bread and butter will probably be election years.

And, hey, there's going to be a big fight going on in the GOP, as well. Just like you had a year-long Democratic primary this year, I think you're really going to see a fight for the heart and soul of the Republican party, beginning early in 2011 and people positioning themselves in different ways. It'll be fun, because, as we say on the Web site...I mean, I hope we have a reputation for being fair and balanced—maybe I shouldn't use that particular phrase, but—I think it'll be interesting, really, as a disinterested observer—and not really disinterested, I think it's really interesting—to be able to cover that primary and say, 'Who do I really think will win?' I hope people can really trust my take if I say, 'You know what? I think Mitt Romney's really got it this year.' I hope people can take that as authoritative and interesting when we get to 2011 or so.

We can also look at more everyday economic issues. Every time you pick up a newspaper, you can probably circle two or three items in every section where there's some piece of quantitative or fiscal information reported that might not be reported all that smartly—so we can do a little of that, too. There was a book a few years ago, A Mathematician Reads the Newspaper, and we can make something like that a semi-regular feature: just things that amuse or annoy us about reporting—reporting in finance and medicine and certainly sports, which is part of my background, and pop culture—how it's always like, 'Well, the biggest box office gross...' (well, but it's not adjusted for inflation). Little things like that—the result of having a lot of English majors in the newsroom and not as many math majors.

MG: What's your daily media diet? Do you have papers and sites that you read every day?

NS: A couple places. If you go to Daily Kos, you'll just see things based on what people have linked to—sites that kind of play traffic cop, in a way. That's some of what I do—or Huffington Post, or The Atlantic, or National Review. There's another one called Memeorandum, where it's all automated. So you look at those, and you see what people are talking about, and you don't necessarily have to go to a million different places. I actually buy the paper version of The New York Times maybe once or twice a week, and the Trib or the Sun-Times maybe once a week. I try and read them over lunch. But for the most part, this stuff moves so fast, that you just kind of figure out what everyone's talking about, and you just go there. And maybe at night, I'll search over my larger list of links and see if there's something that's gone undiscovered. But, for the most part, by the time you hear about something, even if you're constantly online, it's kind of old news already.

MG: Is there anything that stands out in your mind as some the media did particularly well—or particularly badly—in covering the campaign overall?

NS: I wish the media had been a little bit less obsessed with race. I think the Bradley Effect got more attention than it deserved, probably. Sometimes they really jumped the gun. During the primaries, for example, some said that Hispanic people wouldn't vote for Obama because of some race-based thing, and it turned out to be totally false. It was more about, number one, the Clintons are thought of very affectionately in the Latino community, and number two, it's probably about economic class, and about whoever is capturing that working-class vote—no matter what their race—during the primaries. And during the general election, Obama won those voters over, in every region except Appalachia, basically. So I think people were too quick to reduce that to the race narrative when they didn't have anything else to say, necessarily.

But in general, I think campaign reporting is a process that got a lot better, I think in part because of Web sites like ours, and people like Chuck Todd at MSNBC who are very good. Part of it is you have this whole big, long Democratic primary process where people realize, 'Hey, it's not about the popular vote,' and different states have different rules for how they apportion their delegates. And by the way, the Obama campaign—their language is delegates; they're not concerned about the popular vote. Their language during the general election was electoral votes and not the top-line popular vote number. So I think they kind of forced people to think about things in that way, eventually.

MG: You mention Chuck Todd. I'd love to be a fly on the wall during a conversation between you two—do you know each other personally?

NS: No, not really. I'd guess that we have a lot of respect for one another. At some point I should get his phone number from one of my contacts at MSNBC and say, 'Hey, Chuck, let's get a beer.' But I think we have people that are implicitly—Andrew Sullivan, for example, at The Atlantic, has linked to us a ton of times. I've never had a conversation with him, but I think there people where it's just kind of implicit: 'Hey, we respect what you're doing, we're going to help you guys out.' And vice versa. I think one other trend we saw this year is, to some extent, the consolidation of the blogosphere. I think you saw more traffic going to a smaller number of sites, whether it's a Daily Kos or a FiveThirtyEight—or, on the other side of the spectrum, a site like the National Review or something like that. There are a certain number of go-to destinations for political coverage, and those sites, I think, have a lot of influence. Some of them are old, some of them are new—like us, or Talking Points Memo or something like that—but we're seeing what I'd call the maturation of it, where it's not just a million monkeys with a keyboard, it's a hundred monkeys with a keyboard. And there's kind of a selection process for who's the most reliable in terms of timeliness and everything.

MG: Do you see that kind of consolidation as a simple meritocracy, or is it more complex than that?

NS: It's mostly a meritocracy. Sometimes there are sites that take a while to get noticed. There's one right-leaning site, The Next Right, which I think is terrific, though it's not my political point of view. And they're a site that, once people start to notice them, I think will be taken very seriously. Every now and then you catch a diamond in the rough, where you know it's just a matter of time before people discover them. So there are a few inefficiencies at first. But I think it's pretty meritocratic relative to other things, by and large—though maybe not perfectly so. Running a site, there may be a couple days when you have a million things going on, and you're stressed about some real-life thing, or you're sick, or something. But you have to maintain the quality: don't dilute the brand.

Brand is really important in Internet media. Because there's so much competition, and the barriers to entry are so low, all that you are, really, is your brand. And if you spread yourself too thin, then you're making a real mistake, I think. Our model, certainly, is to cover things in depth, and not to try and do everything. Maybe we'll try and have someone in Washington covering the White House. But if we do, we'll want to make sure we do it really well.




Update: The popular vote breakdown listed in the introduction to this article has been amended to reflect the AP's current numbers (as of November 12).

A Laurel to the Philadelphia Inquirer

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It’s easy now for the coverage of health care to slip into the tried and true—horse race accounts of who’s up or down in the government’s health care pecking order; stories that quote officials using the press to send signals to other officials; profiles of movers and shakers and wannabe movers and shakers. But the real stories of why reform is necessary still need telling, and the Philadelphia Inquirer, in a throwback to its glory days, has been running a series that shows why too many people get lost in America’s dysfunctional health system. For months, we at CJR have been urging the press to talk about real people and how candidates’ proposals would affect them. In other words, move away from all the wonk talk. That’s just what the Inky has done.

So far there have been nine stories detailing what happens to plain, everyday people who get sick. There is the home care worker whose wages are so low she can afford neither insurance nor her own medical care when she is ill. There is the transplant patient who ran out of coverage to pay for anti-rejection drugs because Medicare stopped paying for them. When that happened, she cut down on the dosage for the medicine she still had, taking a chance with her life. There is the forty-one-year-old man who suffers from Hodgkin’s lymphoma and eventually lost his job because the cancer treatments made him so ill he could not work. When he lost his job, he lost his income and his insurance. Medical bills mounted. There is the sixty-two-year-old man who used too many bad drugs early in life, and has had lots of health problems as a result. His employer dropped him from the small group policy because his ailments were raising the cost of premiums for other employees.

The series shows that the American health care system works well for those who are insured, never get sick, and never use their coverage. But once someone falls outside those parameters, it’s Patient Beware. Running through all these stories are several threads—the discontinuity of care, the inequity inherent in the system, the callousness of health care providers, the capitalist objectives of American medical care. In Monday’s installment, readers learned that the sixty-two-year-old man who lost his insurance struggled to get care for a broken arm and was told “you can’t come here” when he called a private medical practice that works with self-paying patients. He didn’t have the $600 that the practice required for the consultation. A woman with a huge pelvic tumor got the medical runaround. The paper said she went to the emergency room, where she was referred to a city clinic and back to a state welfare office and then sent her home. She had no insurance.

The stories are structured as a narrative about the people involved and what happened to them. There’s not a lot of explanation about the whys and wherefores. That’s good, because it keeps the stories moving and keeps readers’ attention, which we all know is in short supply these days—although in a few spots more explanation might have helped. Science and health editor Karl Stark says that the “talking head commentary” has been moved online. “The aim is to humanize, not bludgeon with analysis,” Stark said. Apparently, readers in Philly are reading. There were 46,000 web hits for one story and people are calling wanting to tell their own stories. The paper has tapped a raw nerve among the electorate. Call this citizen journalism, if you will. The paper may tell fifteen to twenty-five stories before concluding the series.

The trick, however, will be to put those twenty-five people inside the various health reform ideas that will be bandied about in the coming year. How will those people fare under a vision of reform advanced by the insurance companies, the American Medical Association, the hospitals, the pols, and others who think they have the secret sauce for a revamped system? Will each of those profiled by the Inquirer be helped by reform, or will they still fall through the cracks? Those stories have been lacking in the coverage so far, and we challenge the Inquirer to move its series to another level of reporting when the real debate begins.

Bush, Too, Ending "Classy?"

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Maybe McCain isn't the only one who gets to, in spite of it all, "end classy"?

Today the AP reports that President Bush, too, is ending "classy" -- or "with grace." All because he greeted President-Elect Obama yesterday at the White House without succumbing to the temptation to give the new guy a wedgie... or something like that...

No matter how people remember President Bush's time in office, let there be no doubt about how he wants to end it: gracefully.

Never mind that Democrat Barack Obama spent all that time deriding Bush for "failed policies," or mocking him for hiding in an "undisclosed location" because he was too unpopular to show up with his party's own candidate, John McCain. This is transition time. Outgoing presidents support the new guy.


And on that front, Bush is going well beyond the minimum. He has embraced the role of statesman with such gusto that it has been hard to miss.

The result is that Bush's last image at the White House will be one of a magnanimous leader. Whether it will improve his legacy is another matter.

Well, it can't hurt to have a reporter describe what looks like garden variety White House Transition Time Behavior as "well beyond the minimum" of "grace" and "statesmanship."

Olbermann's "Symbolic Gesture"

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MSNBC's Keith Olberman on The View yesterday:

JOY BEHAR: I was reading somewhere that you don't vote...

OLBERMANN: I don't vote. It's the only thing I can do that even suggests that I don't have a horse in the race...

Since everything else I do suggests otherwise...

Olbermann called it "a symbolic gesture" and seemed like he might have explained a bit further if the women of The View hadn't all jumped on him and cut him off. (Note: Olbermann didn't go as far as Len Downie who said that while editor at The Washington Post he "stopped voting" and "stopped having even private opinions about politicians or issues.")

Victory Laps

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If there was ever an extended moment to go wild as an opinion columnist, like a child with crayons and a white wall, last week was it—and columnists at major newspapers indulged in the opportunity to produce some aspirationally poetic, weighty lines. Just shy of a week after Barack Obama’s victory, some columnists, reaching their turn in the op-ed queue, are still reveling in the rhetoric of an emotional victory.

For the most part, that’s a good thing. Bob Herbert, for one, wrote in his first New York Times column since Obama’s win that “voters went to the polls and placed a bet on a better future,” and that that fact is “worth a smile, a toast, a sigh, a tear.” The Boston Globe’s Derrick Jackson wrote: “America once exploited the discipline of black people to create the nation's wealth. Now it has picked the most disciplined black man of our time to protect it.” From the NYT’s Frank Rich, we heard that the day after the election, “America’s tears of catharsis gave way to unadulterated joy.” And Ta-Nehisi Coates, though not a regular opinion columnist for The Washington Post, discussed the fatalistic expectation of racism gracefully and personably in that paper’s pages: “The favored rallying cry of black people is that we are not a monolith. How fascinating that some of us could only belatedly extend the same courtesy to white Americans.”

Indeed, an event like Obama's victory, which trades just as much on the crafting of historical record (for our children, etc.) as it does on cogent and insightful analysis for the readers of today, is to some extent tailor-made for opinion columnists and their ilk. With their broad and very visible platforms, they are arguably among the best equipped to act as cultural observers and documentarians at a moment like this. It can also give rise to some great lines—the ones that great events demand, but that are hard to cook up on overnight notice.

But as some columnists continue to finger the marvel of Tuesday’s win, it’s worth wondering when we can reasonably expect a transition from the heady post-election broad-stroke words to the more grounded observations that come with passing time (cue: perspective). There’s a tinge of willing conflation in some of these columns, between the noting of the historic nature of Obama’s win, and engagement in a more unabashed celebration of Obama As Winner. While the two strains of analysis are closely intertwined, it would also behoove us to recognize that they’re not automatically one and the same.

Gregory Rodriguez in yesterday’s Los Angeles Times, for instance, asked the question, “Why are Americans so obsessed with hope?” and then proceeds to answer it:

Our national cult of hope, therefore, is a balm to soothe our social and culture instability. We fetishize hope because it helps us as we grasp at a favorable future. We wrap ourselves in it like no other people in the world because we tell ourselves failure isn't an option. We have no choice but to cheer when a president-elect tells us we can put our hands "on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day. And we're right to cheer. If America ever did fail to come up with future prospects, plans, dreams and hopes, it would, in all the most important ways, surely cease to exist.

The fetishization of hope, especially as it popped up over the course of this long campaign, legitimately deserves a place in this discussion, and Rodriguez addresses it in order to get at why Obama’s use of such an ephemeral word was ultimately so effective. But Rodriguez’s utilization of Obama’s language—of hope, dreams and change—to parse the significance of his win, is, even with the best of intentions, a bit like defining a word by using the word itself.

Meanwhile, in yesterday’s Wall Street Journal, Juan Williams wrote about what Obama’s win means for racial politics. Stating that we’ve begun “an era in which it is assumed that talented, tough people of any background will find a way to their rightful seat of power in mainstream political life,” Williams focused his column on what could be considered the President Obama Effect:

With Mr. Obama as the head of government, discussion of racial problems now comes in the form of pragmatic discourse for how to best give all Americans opportunity, for example, how to improve schools.

While Williams’s point as elucidated above—the practical outcome of hope achieved—is well taken, his sentence construction—“With Mr. Obama…now comes”—gestured towards a state of mind in which a symbolic victory guarantees a practical one. The column is more nuanced than this, but small details like this one, which assume change instead of tracking its path, can contribute to a less than responsible composite of ideas surrounding the president-elect.

Some other grand statements: in the Miami Herald, Carl Hiaasen stated, “When [Obama] won, the world's view of our country instantly changed, and so did the way we view ourselves.” It echoed the Globe’s Jackson, who more lyrically wrote that “a sliding nation appears poised to bury the ghosts of its past by seeing in Obama the discipline we all need now.”

The points these columnists make, at the nexus of emotion and analysis, remind us how much leverage (in both style and content) these columnists have. Depicting Obama’s victory with such broad strokes—of instant change, of an erasure of past ghosts, of a now-fully-pragmatic discussion of racial problems, of a necessary and national culture of hope—is, on an immediate level, emotionally sound and poetically just. But those broad depictions risk advancing a picture that is as two-dimensional as it is rosy.

In his NYT column this past Sunday, Nicholas Kristof also used some pretty broad strokes to communicate his excitement—about having an intellectual president. Kristof wrote: “Barack Obama’s election is a milestone in more than his pigmentation. The second most remarkable thing about his election is that American voters have just picked a president who is an open, out-of-the-closet, practicing intellectual.” He cited the Ignorant Palin On Africa trivia tidbit as a counterpoint, rejoiced that “times may be changing” (“How else do we explain the election in 2008 of an Ivy League-educated law professor who has favorite philosophers and poets?”), and hoped that Obama’s “fertile mind”—one that “exults in complexity”—“will set a new tone for our country.” It’s not that his column lacks substance, per se. But it’s substance in the service of the victory, and that’s only icing on the cake that opinion columnists like Kristof (and others) could provide right now. Here’s hoping that with a week past and their Historic Moment itch satiated, they’ll use their freedom now to flesh out the results of this election beyond the stretch of the jubilant victory lap.

Postscript: Of course, barring all this, there’s the Maureen Dowd approach. Dowd has taken this cut-this-column-out-to-show-your-kids kind of opportunity to write a column joking that “it’s fun, after so many years of unyielding barriers, to feel sentimental” and asking, “Is it time now for whites to stop polling blacks on their feelings?” It’s as though she asked the question, If I’m not going to be perspicacious, mightn’t I just be offensive? And, for some inexplicable reason, her answer to it was: Why not?

The New York Times finds a place where 90 percent of the mortgages are underwater, the most in the country.

The average homeowner in Mountain House, California, owes a whopping $122,000 more than the house is worth. Look how much houses were going for there during the bubble, and this is a 60-mile commute from San Francisco:

The Martinezes bought their house in early 2005 for $630,000. It is now worth about $420,000. They have an interest-only mortgage, a popular loan during the boom that allows owners to forgo principal payments for a time.

But these loans eventually become unmanageable. In 2015, Mr. Martinez said, his monthly payments will be $12,000 a month. He laughed and shook his head at the absurdity of it.

It seems the Times is implying that the interest-only part of that loan lasts ten years. Surely that’s not right.

Drawing Lines

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Nicholas Kristof and William Kristol both write regular columns about politics and policy for the New York Times op-ed page. But one is a journalist (Kristof) and the other is a political operative who last summer was listed by a Council on Foreign Relations report as an informal part of John McCain’s foreign-policy brain trust (Kristol). The latter, writing once a week since January, has had five published corrections for errors of fact in his column; the former, writing twice a week in that same period, has had no published corrections but did take the extraordinary step of using an entire column to apologize to Steven J. Hatfill, the scientist who was named (and recently exonerated) by the government as the leading suspect in the 2001 anthrax attacks; in 2002, Kristof had written columns urging closer scrutiny of the then-anonymous “person of interest” who turned out to be Hatfill.

Our point is that journalists have a fundamentally different relationship to facts than that of most political operatives. Facts are the foundation of what journalists do—get them wrong and your credibility suffers; get them wrong often enough and you’ll be out of a job. For creatures of politics, facts are malleable—weapons to be used as necessary to produce victory at the polls and in the policy-making arena. Journalists are taught to check facts and assemble them without regard for whether they like the picture that emerges; political operatives only have use for those facts that enhance the picture they want to project.

But the larger issue here is that too many news consumers don’t make this distinction between Kristof and Kristol—both are simply members of the vast, undifferentiated Media. In recent years, news outlets have increasingly encouraged this lack of discrimination. There has always been some crossover between the worlds of politics and journalism (see Gergen, David), but the blurring accelerated with the rise of cable news. Today, it has become so common that we may never be able to tease it apart in any meaningful way. Michael Gerson, a former adviser to President Bush, writes a column for The Washington Post; Joe Scarborough, a former congressman, hosts a news show on MSNBC; Newt Gingrich, Dick Morris, and Karl Rove are analysts on Fox News; CNN’s Best Political Team on Television has Donna Brazile, Bill Bennett, Ed Gibson, Paul Begala, et al, sitting cheek-by-jowl with actual journalists like John King and Campbell Brown. How can we expect viewers to not lump us all together?

Such willful blurring of the line between journalists and political partisans has consequences. One is the shock—even outrage—that results when a journalist has the temerity to behave like one. Recall the uproar when CNN’s Brown challenged Tucker Bounds, McCain’s spokesman, to provide an example of a decision Sarah Palin had made in her role as commander in chief of the Alaska National Guard. The McCain camp had held up this experience as evidence of her readiness for the vice presidency, and when Brown asked Bounds to back up that claim, he either could not or would not—and Brown wouldn’t let it go. Bounds cried foul, suggesting she was somehow out of line. Hmmm. Tenacity and an adversarial tone. That does seem suspicious. In the days following that exchange, there was far too much serious discussion of Bounds’s ridiculous charge.

The Brown-Bounds dustup was an early salvo in the McCain campaign’s full-throated deployment of the well-worn media-bashing strategy—a strategy that benefits when everyone (from Nick Kristof to Bill Kristol to the anonymous blogger on the partisan site Daily Kos who spread a rumor that Palin’s newborn son actually belonged to Palin’s seventeen-year-old daughter Bristol) is mashed together under the banner of The Media. Serious news outlets do themselves—and the rest of us—no favors by encouraging this distorted understanding of what they do and why. 

...and it's Fox News's Greta Van Susteren!

And NBC News's Matt Lauer!

(Anyone else? Maybe...Baking with Blitzer? Mixing Manhattans with Maddow?)

Both Van Susteren and Lauer spent time yesterday with Palin in her office and her kitchen (as she prepared, during the Fox interview, what looked like a tray of cheese dogs). And both anchors made like theirs was a Kitchen Exclusive: Van Susteren, last night, "You're not going to see this anywhere else..." except this morning on NBC's Today show ("the first interview with [Palin] since she lost the election with John McCain"). Both anchors, too, ate with the Palins: Van Susteren was (or, will be tonight, on Part 2 of the interview) served moose chili (who were those cheese dogs for?); for Lauer, Palin prepared halibut and salmon casserole. And both anchors quizzed Palin on WardrobeGate, rumored campaign in-fighting, and How The Media Treated Her. (Noted: only Van Susteren drove "The First Dude" around on a snow machine).

Lauer asked Palin what she thought was the "biggest misconception" about her. Palin pointed to the whispers of Who-is-Trig's-Mom? and said, "If reporters would have done their jobs these things could have been corrected."

Van Susteren, too, offered Palin a chance to correct the record (which she took, along with a shot at the blogosphere):

VAN SUSTEREN: Is there anything else that has been raised or said about you in the media, either during the campaign or since the campaign ended, that you think you need to address that has been, you know, an allegation about you?

PALIN: Well, unfortunately, early on, there are a tremendous number of examples that we can give regarding my record and things that could have, should have been so easily corrected if -- if the media would have taken one step further and -- and investigated a little bit, not just gone on some blogger probably sitting there in their parents' basement, wearing their pajamas, blogging some kind of gossip or -- or a lie regarding, for instance, the -- the discussion about who was Trig's real mom? You know, Was it one of her daughters or was she faking her pregnancy?

And that was in mainstream media, the question that was asked, instead of just coming to me and -- and -- and you know, setting the record straight. And then when we tried to correct that, that, yes, truly, I am Trig's mother, for it to take days for it ever to have been corrected, that -- that kind of right out of the chute was one of the oddities of this campaign and the messaging.

Van Susteren also took up McCain/Palin campaign spokesperson Nicole Wallace's mean girls in the media cause:

VAN SUSTEREN: How about women journalists? What was your thought about them, the ones -- the ones -- not the ones who spoke favorably about you but the ones who spoke unfavorably?


PALIN: I just would have loved to have the opportunity to have sat down and spoken with them. And that's an odd thing, isn't it, about candidates, that you know, it's a free-for-all. Your life is an open book and you open yourself up to criticism, and you'd better be ready to take that criticism. And otherwise, don't run for office, you know, if you can't handle it... It's kind of unfortunate, but it's reality.

Other Van Susteren questions: "What's that like, when you come out and everyone's got these huge cards, they're yelling, 'Sarah, Sarah'? I mean, what's that like?" and, "At your speech at the Republican National Convention, which I was lucky enough to be in the room for all these speeches, you talked about having, I think, diverse friends or how to bring people together?" (Huh?)

But for anyone who thinks Van Susteren was too "soft" on Palin, as did, apparently, several commenters on Van Susteren's GretaWire blog, Van Susteren says: "Was the purpose of the interview to clobber her on the head or elicit information so that the viewer could learn more about her?...Haters always hate the interviews and will do anything to detract from it. No one was forced to watch (or at least I don’t know of anyone being tied up and positioned in front of the TV!)" Although that -- someone being bound and gagged and made to watch Van Susteren-- actually almost sounds like the sort of story Van Susteren might pursue on a non-Palin night...

Palin also told Van Susteren she "would have preferred more opportunity to speak to the media more often, because there were a lot of things that I think it could have, should have said that could have, would have helped John McCain." To Lauer, Palin made the same point this way:

LAUER: Much was made about the number of interviews you did versus Senator Joe Biden. Was there someone saying to you no, let's not do interviews...

PALIN: I'm not going to get into the inside strategies.. I'll let those who were calling the shots speak to that but suffice to say I'm comfortable doing interviews. I love being able to express what my positions are... I would have loved more opportunities to talk to the American people...

See Palin making up for lost time here:


Actual AP Headline

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So we know what Election 2008's winners are doing these days. There's an Oval Office to visit. A Cabinet to build. Football games to attend. But what about the two who came up short? What are they up to?

Well, the AP reports: "Palin spends time sorting through clothes."

Specifically, Palin's father, Chuck Heath, told the AP that Gov. Palin spent "part of the weekend going through her clothing to determine what belongs to the Republican Party after it spent $150,000-plus on a wardrobe for the vice presidential nominee."

"She was just frantically ... trying to sort stuff out," Heath said. "That's the problem, you know, the kids lose underwear, and everything has to be accounted for."

Also:

In Wasilla, her hometown backers welcomed her, putting aside their disappointment over her unsuccessful bid.

Jessica Steele can't wait to see what Sarah Palin does next - not with her political career, but with her hair.

"That's something I want to talk to her about: What's our vision for her hair?" says Steele, proprietor of the Beehive Beauty Shop and keeper of the governor's up-do since 2002.

UPDATE: The Anchorage Daily News outlines "What's Ahead for Gov. Palin? Seven challenges." While finding a new "vision for her hair" is not one of them, the "bonus challenge" is "the news media" ("Deciding just how open and transparent she wants to be -- now that she's a national figure under intense scrutiny -- is yet another challenge for Palin...")

The U.K. Telegraph compiles the "Fifty things you might not know about Barack Obama." The list includes such tidibits as:

• His favourite book is Moby-Dick by Herman Melville

• His favourite films are Casablanca and One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest

• His favourite fictional television programmes are Mash and The Wire

• His favourite artist is Pablo Picasso

• His favourite meal is wife Michelle's shrimp linguini

• His favourite drink is black forest berry iced tea

And...

• He carries a tiny Madonna and child statue and a bracelet belonging to a soldier in Iraq for good luck

• His desk in his Senate office once belonged to Robert Kennedy

• He worked in a Baskin-Robbins ice cream shop as a teenager and now can't stand ice cream

AND...

He applied to appear in a black pin-up calendar while at Harvard but was rejected by the all-female committee.

Ah, there it is. List, consider yourself justified.

[h/t Avi Zenilman]

Ten Minutes Early!

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A transition. For White House reporters, too. From President Punctual to, perhaps, President Ten-Minutes-Early. The Obamas appeared at the White House at just about 1:50pm, ahead of their scheduled 2:00pm arrival, catching reporters flat-footed.

Or, as Fox News's Brett Baier described it moments later:

The Obamas were early, as we know. The exact time was supposed to be 2:00 p.m. on the dot and they pulled up just before 1:50. What I noticed outside on the north lawn was a bunch of reporters running to their positions and camera men thinking that they may have missed the moment...

How did the cable news folks handle (live!) the earlier-than-expected arrival? What off-the-cuff insights did they offer viewers?

Here was Andrea Mitchell on MSNBC:

As we watch now, the limousine pulling up...We are about to see the President-Elect arriving for the first time at the White House with Michelle Obama...Let's see if they say anything. This is quite a moment in history....Laura Bush will be taking Michelle Obama upstairs. You see, upstairs, the residence, the yellow Oval room which backs up to the south grounds which is where the First Family spends a lot of time... quite a moment...

Mitchell finally "apologized" that "they arrived actually ten minutes early... we were expecting it at 2:00..."

On Fox News, at go-time, a fashion observation:

MARTHA MACCALLUM: And there they go. You listen to the click, click, click of all of those cameras because that, folks, is the photo of the day... Your heart just stops watching this play out and you see the beautiful transition of power we have in this country. Obviously the respect that's shown between these two gentlemen and the two women. Interesting they wore very similar dresses. This is something that only a woman would notice. Laura Bush in a rusted red dress in a similar style to the one that Michelle Obama chose for this very important lunch, maybe the most important luncheon of her life ...

(I'd add: President and President-Elect both wore white shirts and ties in a similar shade of blue).

On CNN? Some mind-reading:

HEIDI COLLINS: We're looking at live pictures here, President Bush and the First Lady waiting...Barack Obama just now pulling up and getting ready to get out of the car and greet the President and First Lady. There it is right there. Doug, you can just imagine what's going through his mind. This is the first time he and his wife are stepping foot on the White House lawn here and about to enter their new home. I mean, the feeling has got to be overwhelming in many ways.


DOUG BRINKLEY (Historian): Well, it is. Remember, John McCain during the campaign used to criticize Barack Obama all the time saying he's already measuring the drapes. Well, now, he is measuring the drapes today. They're starting to imagine their own belongings in this house and starting to imagine what it will be like for their children toll grow up there...

Hitting The Spot

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Word has it that Spot.us, former CJR intern David Cohn's community-funded journalism startup, will be launching late this afternoon. An experiment with crowd-funded journalism, Spot.us encourages private citizens to fund investigative reports on topics that interest them. Freelancers can pitch ideas to the crowd and solicit donations, or readers can suggest story ideas of their own. It's unclear how successful this will be, but it's an interesting idea, and probably worth checking out at some point today or tomorrow.

Keeps on Givhan

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For anyone awaiting Washington Post poli-fashion columnist Robin Givhan's verdict on Michelle Obama's red-on-black Election Night dress, Givhan concludes that the Narciso Rodriguez piece did not translate well on TV such that it "look[ed] a bit like [Mrs. Obama had] just lost a grueling paintball battle."

Still, Givhan sees a "role" for Mrs. Obama as First Spouse, as a "champion" of America's fashion industry.

Pressing Forward

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What type of reception will reporters get covering the Obama White House? In his blog, The New Yorker's George Packer draws insights from covering the campaign:

...the Obama campaign was not “in the tank” for the press. In my limited experience, and in what I’ve heard from the more extensive experience of other reporters, editors, fact-checkers, etc., the Obama press operation made the current White House look like the early days of the Straight Talk Express. Friendlier than Bush’s, maybe, but tighter—as tight as a poker player who’s just been raised. No fact was too incontrovertible, no judgment too safe, no quotation too anodyne, to be questioned, challenged, changed, taken off the record, manipulated, denied, and finally denounced by the super-disciplined members of the Obama message team on the imperative mission of shaping the campaign narrative in their favor. Working for an Obama-friendly publication like this one didn’t help in the least. If anything, it meant we could be taken for granted, like the other woman who will always be waiting for the phone to ring.

Reflecting on the relationship between the press and the White House during the Bush administration, Packer hopes that President Obama will be more open and available than Candidate Obama.

And how will the press cover Obama, Howard Kurtz asks?

Obama may enjoy a respite after an inauguration that is all but certain to be covered as another watershed moment. Jim Warren, former managing editor of the Chicago Tribune and a Huffington Post columnist, predicts that he will get something of a honeymoon.

"There will be a lot of beat-sweetener pieces to cultivate sources," he says. "But within the year, normal competitive impulses will take over."

Perhaps the Obama White House will circumvent the tradition of press conferences, relying instead on technologies enlisted during the Veepstakes: "If you can beam your message to millions of computer and cellphone screens, who needs the filter of skeptical reporters?"

Will Chris Matthews, he of the "helping this new presidency work" press, be let into the loop? Inquiring minds want to know.

Is It 2pm Yet?

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Can this White House meeting between President Bush and President-Elect Obama happen already? MSNBC, for one, is in real danger of running out of ways (though seemingly never people) to speculate about What Might Happen at the meeting, scheduled for 2pm today.

Doing its part to pass the time, AP takes us back to what previous presidents and president-elects did when they first met. Highlights:

Eisenhower also took time to show Kennedy how to use the panic button that would bring a helicopter to the back lawn...

...Johnson pulled Nixon into his bedroom, and told him, "I wanted you to know about this." He showed Nixon a small safe hidden in the wall.

What might be the 2008 equivalents of these now-quaint-seeming gestures? Oh, the possibilities (for cable news to ponder, for the next hour-plus)...

Political Intelligence

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Newsweek's seventh behind-the-scenes look at a presidential campaign has lots of small scoops and several rather odd judgments. This 47,000-word mini-book can be a hard slog at times, but it contains enough inside information to keep any committed political junkie turning the pages.

At its heart is a portrait of the most remarkably disciplined, detached, and self-aware presidential candidate America has ever seen: "Obama recalled that he often joked with his team, 'This Barack Obama sounds like a great guy. Now I'm not sure that I am Barack Obama, right?' He added, pointedly, 'It wasn't entirely a joke.'"

This was a man so disciplined that, instead of gaining the usual "campaign 10 or 15 pounds," he lost weight on the campaign trail–imagine how much that infuriated the reporters who were covering him. (The Newsweek piece notes that Obama was never particularly popular with the trail reporters–it was their editors who really fell in love with him.)

When Bill Clinton began to self-destruct in South Carolina (and his popularity plummeted seventeen points in a week), "There was no high-fiving or obvious schadenfreude. As Axelrod saw him, Obama didn't enjoy a good hate. That would be a waste of time and emotion, and Obama was, if nothing else, highly disciplined."

"If nothing else"?? That's one of the odd throwaway lines from Evan Thomas, who wrote this account on the basis of reporting by Newsweek veterans Peter Goldman and Eleanor Randolph and three younger contributors: Nick Summers, Katie Connolly, and Daniel Stone. The truth is—if nothing else—Obama is the most intelligent and the most politically gifted presidential candidate we have seen since John Kennedy.

Another instance of Obama's extraordinary self-control: On June 3rd, when Obama had finally won enough delegates to guarantee his nomination, an aide said, "You just locked up the nomination—how about a beer?" Obama started to say yes, then changed his mind. "We won't hit the ground until 3 in the morning, and I've got AIPAC first thing—I better not."

Intelligence and maturity were the real secret weapons of this campaign. Everyone from Obama on down always behaved like a grown-up. "In my judgment, he showed more insight and maturity than Bill Clinton at the age of 60 in terms of understanding himself," said Gregory Craig, a very early Obama supporter, who served as one of Bill Clinton's lawyers during his impeachment trial.

On the other hand, the vicious wars among Hillary Clinton's aides constantly spilled out into the press, and when "McCain didn't like the words he had been given to read, his inner Dennis the Menace would emerge, and he would sabotage his own speech."

Obama was a brilliant delegator, and he only stepped in to take direct control of his campaign at the moment of its greatest crisis—when Jeremiah Wright's ravings suddenly dominated every news cycle for a whole weekend. Newsweek's description of this episode is one of the strongest passages in the piece:

There was no great internal debate within Obama's staff, in part because no one really knew what to do. But Obama did...For several months, he had been thinking about giving a broader speech on the subject of race, and now the moment had arrived. Obama had his own sense of timing and purpose. He knew that Wright's remarks could stir racial fears that could become a cancer on the campaign unless some steps were taken to cut it out, and that he was the only one skillful enough to attempt the operation...His half-hour address was a tour de force, the sort of speech that only Barack Obama could give... He had the ability to empathize with both sides— to summon the fear and resentment felt by blacks for years of oppression, but also to talk about how whites (including his grandmother) could fear young black men on the street, and how whites might resent racial preferences for blacks in jobs and schools. He ended with a moving scene, a story of reconciliation between an older black man and a young white woman. When he walked backstage at the Constitution museum, he found everyone in tears—his wife, his friends and his hardened campaign aides. Only Obama seemed cool and detached. The speech was 'solid,' he said, as his entourage, tough guys like Axelrod and former deputy attorney general Eric Holder, choked up.

But then comes another one of Thomas's odd judgements:

Nonetheless, a close reading of the speech suggests more than a hint of personal grandiosity. Obama was giving the voters a choice: they could stay 'stuck' in a 'racial stalemate.' Or they could get beyond it—by, well, voting for him. 'We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day, and talk about them from now until the election … We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will flock to John McCain … We can do that. But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And then nothing will change.'

That passage had nothing to do with personal grandiosity: it was actually just pure political genius.
As Hendrik Hertzberg explains in this week's New Yorker, "what made that speech special, what enabled it to save his candidacy, was its analytic power. It was not defensive. It did not overcompensate. In its combination of objectivity and empathy, it persuaded Americans of all colors that he understood them. In return, they have voted to make him their President."

Although Thomas isn't particularly good at conveying the historic sweep of Obama's achievement, he does include plenty of fascinating details about the nuts and bolts that distinguished this campaign from preceding Democratic efforts:

- The Obama operation doubled the turnout at the Iowa caucuses, raised twice as much money as any other campaign in history, and organized volunteers by the millions. (In Florida alone: sixty-five offices, paid staff of 350, active e-mail list of 650,000, 25,000 volunteers on any weekend day.)

- It had volunteers knock on every door of every likely voter in Philadelphia, three times—on Saturday, Monday, and Election Day.

- In the battleground state of Ohio, instead of volunteers assembling at 200 parking lots at union halls, it had 1,400 neighborhood teams that the campaign had spent six months recruiting and training and managing.

- The Obama '08 iPhone application was truly remarkable: "Tap the top button, 'call friends,' and the software would take a peek at your phonebook and rearrange it in the order that the campaign was targeting states, so that friends who had, say, Colorado or Virginia area codes would appear at the top. With another tap, the Obama supporter could report back essential data for a voter canvass ('left message,' 'not interested,' 'already voted,' etc.). It all went into a giant database for Election Day."

Even campaign tactics that looked to the public like elaborate publicity stunts turned out to be deadly serious strategies: When the campaign announced that Obama would announce his vice presidential selection via text message, "the point was to collect voters' cell-phone numbers for later contact during voter registration and get-out-the-vote efforts. Thanks to the promotion, the campaign's list of cell-phone numbers increased several-fold to more than 1 million."

Joe Trippi, the political genius behind the Dean Internet juggernaut, often said that if the Dean campaign was like the Wright Brothers at Kitty Hawk, then Obama's was the Apollo program. Asked about this analogy, Joe Rospars, the director of New Media for Obama, replied, "Not really—if you consider that Kitty Hawk was a successful flight, as compared to something that blew up on the fucking launchpad."

Overall, Newsweek's effort is an adequate first draft of history. But authors who have a little more time to reflect on these events than Thomas will surely produce much richer versions.

And if you don't have time to digest 47,000 words, check out Steve Kroft's remarkable sit down with Obama braintrusters David Axelrod, David Plouffe, Robert Gibbs, and Anita Dunn.

Recorded immediately after Obama claimed victory in front of hundreds of thousands of supporters at Grant Park in Chicago, and broadcast last night on 60 Minutes, the interview contains a wealth of insights.

After Kroft observes that "so many people..said 'You're not going to be able to elect a black man president of the United States..that had to be part of your equation in planning this campaign," campaign manager David Plouffe replies:

No, honestly, you had to take a leap of faith in the beginning that the people would get by race. And I think the number of meetings we had about race was zero. Zero. We had to believe in the beginning that he would be a strong enough candidate that people of every background and race would be for him. The only time we got involved in a discussion of race was when people asked us about it. It was a fascination of the news media.

Axelrod recalled that when the Rev. Wright crisis exploded, the "only one who was calm was Obama." And Plouffe identifies Obama's speech about race as the turning point in the campaign: "It was a moment of real leadership. I think when he gave that race speech in Philadelphia, people saw a president."

The piece ends with this summation from Axelrod:

We believed in him, and we believed in the cause. And we believed in each other. And by the end of this thing, over two years, you forge relationships. And we're like a family. The hardest thing about this is that it's ended now. It's like the end of the movie M*A*S*H...The war's over. We're all going home. And we want to go home. But, on the other hand, it's sort of a bit of melancholy because we've come to love each other and believe in each other. And we know that this will never be the same.

The same thing is true about America.

Compare the NYT's op-ed pages from yesterday and today, and you'll have a case study worthy of Harvard Business School. A case study, specifically, in spin. See the following excerpts from Frank Rich's and Bill Kristol's columns, emphasis mine:

Rich:

Still, change may come slowly to the undying myths bequeathed to us by the Bush decade. “Don’t think for a minute that power concedes,” Obama is fond of saying. Neither does groupthink. We now keep hearing, for instance, that America is “a center-right nation” — apparently because the percentages of Americans who call themselves conservative (34), moderate (44) and liberal (22) remain virtually unchanged from four years ago. But if we’ve learned anything this year, surely it’s that labels are overrated. Those same polls find that more and more self-described conservatives no longer consider themselves Republicans. Americans now say they favor government doing more (51 percent), not less (43) — an 11-point swing since 2004 — and they still overwhelmingly reject the Iraq war. That’s a centrist country tilting center-left, and that’s the majority who voted for Obama.

Kristol:

What’s more, this year’s exit polls suggested a partisan shift but no ideological realignment. In 2008, self-described Democrats made up 39 percent of the electorate and Republicans 32 percent, in contrast with a 37-37 split in 2004.

But there was virtually no change in the voters’ ideological self-identification: in 2008, 22 percent called themselves liberal, up only marginally from 21 percent in 2004; 34 percent were conservative, unchanged from the last election; and 44 percent called themselves moderate, compared with 45 percent in 2004.

In other words, this was a good Democratic year, but it is still a center-right country.

Same exit polls, wildly different conclusions. (The claim that we're a center-right country is just a myth! Wait--just kidding! The claim that we're a center-right country is an empirical truth!)

Well done, guys. Nicely spun.

Only Yesterday

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If your post-election life has a campaign shaped hole, there are at least two retrospectives that could plug the gap.

Newsweek’s seven part Making of the President-like novelization of the race is long, but full of interesting nuggets—for instance: Biden had no idea who Palin was before she was picked.

And CBS’s 60 Minutes sat down with Obama’s senior most aides just hours after his Grant Park victory rally for a discussion of how they got there. Plouffe speaks!

A Little Something for Your Trouble

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Since January 2007, as the shrinking of our newsrooms continued apace, some 2,700 journalists accepted buyouts and moved on. Here is a list of the financial terms of a sampling of those buyouts.

Bradenton Herald (Florida)

Payment: Two weeks of pay for every year of service; maximum of twenty-six weeks’ pay

Health care: Health care subsidized for three months

The Buffalo News

Payment: Two weeks of pay for every year of service, for up to one year; minimum offer starts at about $60,000

Health care: No health benefits


"You're being racist," said the daughter of New York Times columnist Judith Warner in response to her mother's comment about "how particularly earth-moving this election was for black voters." Warner reported this exchange in Thursday's "Domestic Disturbances" column to illustrate how the young Americans who helped elect Barack Obama to the presidency have not merely overcome the racial divisions that long defined politics, but seem unable to fathom the divide that once existed. Warner showed her uncomprehending daughters Wednesday’s Times headline: "Racial Barrier Falls." "This is huge," she told them.

Warner's language, and that of many others who have reflected on the racial implications of Obama's election, raises a question: this is huge for whom? In Warner's account, Obama's victory belongs first and foremost to black voters. African-American Washington Post columnist Eugene Robinson also claimed the day. After recounting the number of times he was brought to tears by the emotional election night reactions of civil rights leaders Rev. Jesse Jackson and Rep. John Lewis, Robinson wrote, “It's obvious that the power of this moment isn't something that only African Americans feel.…For African Americans, though, this is personal.”

The college students Marc Fisher describes celebrating in front of the White House Tuesday night, however, seemed to emphasize the universal implications of Obama’s victory over the particular significance it has for African-Americans. Twenty-three year-old Tim Nunn first marvels at the fact that "Everybody's here...not just black, not just white—everybody," before remarking that "This changes the way I look at myself as a black man and what I can accomplish in life." Young adults were taking to the streets not because of what an Obama presidency means for African-Americans, but because, Fisher writes, "It felt like the American promise [had been] fulfilled."

At twenty-eight, I am much closer in age to Nunn (and, for that matter, to Warner’s daughters) than to Warner or Robinson. And the emphasis Warner, Robinson, and others of their age have placed on the particular significance of Obama’s election to African-Americans suggests a generation gap in the way the civil rights struggle is viewed. Throughout history, civil rights for African-Americans has been framed in two ways: On the one hand, the civil rights movement aims to reverse the injustice done to a particular group, and victories in that struggle belong to members of that group. On the other hand, the fight for racial justice is a battle for America's soul, and purging racism heals whites, blacks, and other racial groups alike.

Though older observers nod to this universalist frame, their coverage of this week’s events suggests they have not internalized it as deeply as have younger generations. Much of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.'s success was due to his rhetorical genius in arguing that whites were invested in their black fellow citizens’ lot. As he remarked in his 1963 "I Have a Dream" speech,

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

Writing from a Birmingham jail a few months earlier, King established that the principles at stake went to the heart of America's purpose. "Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood,” he wrote. “Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity."

Judith Warner definitely gets this point, but it is not until the last paragraph that she writes about her own identification with the cause of equal rights: "This moment of triumph marks the end of such a long period of pain, of indignity and injustice for African-Americans. And for so many others of us, of the trampling and debasing of our most basic ideals, beliefs that we cherished every bit as deeply and passionately as those of the ‘values voters’ around whose sensibilities we’ve had to tiptoe for the past 28 years."

Though John McCain’s concession speech was generally gracious, I found his remarks on the racial significance of Obama’s victory jarring. "This is an historic election,” he began, “and I recognize the special significance it has for African-Americans and for the special pride that must be theirs tonight." I was surprised at the distancing rhetoric—“the special pride that must be theirs”? McCain went on to express pride that “we have come a long way from the old injustices that once stained our nation's reputation.” He clearly understands why blacks should be happy, but he suggests white Americans should take satisfaction because the Obama victory improves our national image.

It is probably too much to ask a man who just lost a big election to take personal satisfaction in his opponent’s victory. And, of course, McCain has had an uncomfortable relationship with the civil rights legacy, this year apologizing for having opposed the creation of Martin Luther King Day. But for older generations, the particularist frame of the civil rights struggle wins out over the universalist one. The message of the civil rights movement that I was taught is that my personal redemption as a white American lies in addressing the inequalities that affect even groups to which I do not belong. The fight is not to get a particular group access to privileges reserved for some, but rather to challenge the very nature of privilege. This is what separates a movement for human rights from one for special rights.

Regardless of race—or, for that matter, party—all Americans are better off when unjust barriers to opportunity fall. Obama’s election is an opportunity to see, as King wrote, that we are "tied in a single garment of destiny."

Two New Story Lines for Health Care

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Dear members of the public, take your pick. Will major health care reform will happen, or will there be only baby steps, proving that no comprehensive reform is possible that would establish two things once and for all: that health care is a right, and that everyone is entitled to care and a way to pay for it. Perhaps you are unsure. What you think may have a lot to do with what your local news media is telling you—and the press is reporting two different stories, prognosticating on what the new president might do. Those stories seem to be a lead-in to the kind of horse race journalism that marked the Clintons’ attempt at health reform fifteen years ago.

The first is the rah-rah story that quotes experts, acting as cheerleaders for health reform and building expectations that something big might happen. Yes, Go, Fight, Win! That kind of stuff. Such was the report published by the Provo, Utah Daily Herald over the weekend with its headline: “Experts: Elections mean big chance for health care reform.” The head cheerleader featured was Ronald Pollack, executive director of Families USA, a consumer advocacy group that calls itself the voice of health care consumers. Pollack spoke on a conference call with reporters, state legislators, and health care professionals, telling them that with more Democrats in Congress it will be easier to win support for a reform bill. “You’ve got key leaders in the next Congress and in the new administration who have made clear health care reform as their top priority,” Pollack said. Gee, I thought everyone has been saying the economy is top priority.

“That doesn’t mean we’re going to agree on every issue, but there is very significant congruence on a whole bunch of issues,” Pollack said. By now, readers might be wondering which ones, but the Daily Herald didn’t elaborate. Maybe the paper didn’t see that as the focus of its story. Pollock told those on the call not to let partisanship deter their enthusiasm for a possible solution. “Unlike the past, we can’t let our second-favorite choice be the status quo,” he said. The story did end with a state legislator pulling back the reins. Any major changes in Utah, he said, probably won’t happen in this legislative session; maybe in the next one.

The San Francisco Chronicle published a more temperate assessment. Its story, headlined “Health care improvements have to wait awhile,” intimated that a less ambitious plan might be in the offing instead of the big ideas for which some people had hoped during the campaign. The Chronicle consulted plenty of the usual experts—Michael Cannon from the libertarian Cato Insitute; Drew Altman, the head of the Kaiser Family Foundation; Jacob Hacker, a professor at UC Berkeley who advised the Obama campaign, and has ideas of his own for reform; blogger Robert Laszewski, who runs Health Policy and Strategy Associates; and the oft-quoted Jerry Flanagan from the California advocacy group Consumer Watchdog.

Just what kind of pipeline Consumer Watchdog has to Obama’s health care gods is unclear. Since last spring, Laszewski has claimed that a comprehensive overhaul of the system will not happen. He told the Chronicle that “Because of the deficit situation, I haven’t talked to anyone in Washington, D.C., who believes we will get major health reform a la $100 billion.”

All these stories are just speculation that is more useful to the health care cognoscenti eager to be well positioned for influence in case of serious movement than the general public, who may genuinely care how health reform turns out. Even though election exit polls showed that people cared more about the economy, many still care deeply about this issue. For many Americans, the economy and health care are entwined. Lose your job and you lose your health insurance. The cumbersome, costly COBRA extensions are out of reach for the newly unemployed. Stress from being out of work takes its toll; when sickness results, there’s no way to pay for care.

So we have a suggestion. Instead of the gloom and doom scenarios or the rah-rah stories with quotes announcing that the golden moment for health reform has arrived, let’s report on why the country needs health care reform in the first place. We urge the media to examine what’s really happening to real people. The Philadelphia Inquirer is setting an example for how to do that. My next post will show what the paper is doing.

Bloomberg has been excellent in watchdogging the Federal Reserve’s various bailouts, even suing the government last week for the information. Today, it reports that the Fed won’t tell to whom it’s lending $2 trillion (this is in addition to the infamous $700 billion program) or what kind of collateral it’s taking on in exchange:

Fed Chairman Ben S. Bernanke and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson said in September they would comply with congressional demands for transparency in a $700 billion bailout of the banking system. Two months later, as the Fed lends far more than that in separate rescue programs that didn't require approval by Congress, Americans have no idea where their money is going or what securities the banks are pledging in return.

Here’s Barney Frank with a gaffe:

In an interview Nov. 6, House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank said the Fed's disclosure is sufficient and that the risk the central bank is taking on is appropriate in the current economic climate. Frank said he has discussed the program with Timothy F. Geithner, president and chief executive officer of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and a possible candidate to succeed Paulson as Treasury secretary.

``I talk to Geithner and he was pretty sure that they're OK,'' said Frank, a Massachusetts Democrat. ``If the risk is that the Fed takes a little bit of a haircut, well that's regrettable.'' Such losses would be acceptable, he said, if the program helps revive the economy.

Well, I’m "pretty sure" it’s outrageous that the government is resisting telling taxpayers what it’s doing with trillions of dollars of our money. How risky are these loans? What kind of collateral is the Fed getting in return? Who knows?

Bravo to Bloomberg for fighting this.

Images From "The Bullet Sponge"

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While this front-page New York Times piece ("Secret Order Lets U.S. Raid Al Qaeda In Many Countries") is understandably getting the pick-up on morning news shows, don't over look Times photographer Tyler Hicks images of life at Combat Outpost Lowell near the Afghanistan-Pakistan border where American soldiers find themselves "a frequent target of attacks." Powerful and poignant photos.

And accompanying Hicks's images is C.J. Chivers' s A-1 article describing the "singularly unattractive role" this outpost plays (it "lies exposed near the bottom of a natural amphitheater deep within territory out of government control" and "insurgents hide in caves surrounding it... operating unhindered...") serving as "a Taliban magnet, drawing insurgents from more populated areas" or, as First Lt. Daniel Wright tells Chivers: "Basically, we're the bullet sponge."

Crystal Balls Glow Green

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Reporters wasted no time this week in their rush to speculate about who president-elect Barack Obama will tap for key environment and science positions in his administration, and about how related policies will reflect his promise of change.

The media prognostications in this realm are no different from those about who will lead every other department and agency in Washington, from the Treasury to FEMA, which is to say that they’re all very interesting and worthwhile, but haven’t moved far beyond the point of speculation. The same can be said about the coverage of how science and environmental policies will change under Obama — without much new information to work with, most articles are resigned to repeating the well-trod positions he laid out during the campaign. This isn't to say that all this reporting is for naught, however. The sheer volume and tone of the coverage is fascinating, and suggests that science and environment is a policy area where many people expect to see the most the dramatic break from the Bush administration — greater even than in foreign policy and economic regulation.

Despite a tone that’s a tad hyperbolic, a headline and lede from the Guardian in the U.K. captures what many “green” minded people are thinking or at least hoping: “Obama victory signals rebirth of US environmental policy — President-elect Obama will shred the Bush administration's energy policies and introduce a major climate change bill in an attempt to bring the US back into the international environment fold according to his senior advisers.”

Well… maybe. There are still many hurdles to accomplishing that goal, not least of which is the fact that the economic crisis threatens to blunt investment in renewable energy and support for cap-and-trade especially. Thankfully, after a few rosy paragraphs, the Guardian’s article accounts for that possibility, but notes European environmental organizations remain optimistic. One of the article’s best lines comes near the bottom, where a source frets that “Obama could leave the UK trailing in the race to capitalize on the huge new opportunities for environmental technologies.” Silicon Valley hopes so, reports the San Jose Mercury News, and environmentalists in the U.S. are, of course, equally jubilant at the prospect of a greenshift in American politics. Environment News Service, an online news wire, has a good roundup of almost a dozen advocates expressing their confidence in the president-elect.

More interesting than those sanguine reports, however, is a Reuters article with the headline, “Investors want proof of Obama ‘green’ change.” It quotes a variety of sources saying, among other things, that cap-and-trade is “by no means a done deal” and that they would like to see the first installment of Obama’s ten-year, $150-billion, clean-energy support plan in his first budget. Likewise, Planet Ark, an environmental organization and news service, reports that “US biofuel makers, struggling to make a profit at a time of tumbling oil and gasoline prices, look upon President-elect Barack Obama as a staunch ally for growth.”

More than his policy, however, the press seems to be focusing on those people that will help him craft it. The media speculation centers, unsurprisingly, on who will head the Environmental Protection Agency, which earned notoriously poor marks on everything from air pollution to endangered species under the Bush administration. According to posts at Bloomberg News, The Wall Street Journal, and Politico, the short list is headed by Kathleen McGinty, the former secretary of Pennsylvania's Department of Environmental Protection; Mary Nichols of California's Air Resources Board; Ian Bowles, of the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Protection; Lisa Jackson, who just left the New Jersey environment commission; Carol Browner, a former EPA chief under the Clinton administration; Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., an environmental lawyer; and Governor Kathleen Sebelius of Kansas.

More useful than those enumerations of potential picks, however, is an article by Darren Samuelsohn at the online news outlet Greenwire. Unfortunately, the piece is stuck behind the publication’s strict pay wall, but Samuelsohn was able to get a positive ID on the team that will help Obama make his decisions:

Former Clinton Interior Deputy Secretary David Hayes will be in charge of transition planning for all of the key energy and environmental agencies, including U.S. EPA and the Interior, Energy and Agriculture departments. The transition team also will be split up by individual agencies.

At EPA, Obama has picked Robert Sussman and Lisa Jackson to run what will be a 10-12 person transition team, developing key policy recommendations and also monitoring the status of final Bush administration actions. Other members of the EPA transition team will be named in the coming days, according to two Obama advisers.

Other reporters would be well advised to approach these individuals in order to glean more useful insights about how Obama is putting his team together. Returning to the séance table for a moment, however, there a couple other speculative articles worth noting. Reuters’s Deborah Zabarenko, for instance, has an interesting piece that asks, “Could Obama appoint a ‘climate czar’?” The environmental community—rather than anybody close to the president-elect himself—seems to be floating that question, but the story captures the opinion held by many that environmental issues have been so “wide-ranging” and interconnected that higher coordination is necessary.

It’s an opinion that extends beyond the environmental realm. In a piece for ABC News headlined, “Science in a post-Bush world,” reporter Ki Mae Heussner has the subhead, “Wanted: A Cabinet-Level Science Advisor.” Indeed, criticism of the Bush administration is not limited to its global warming policy. During the presidential campaign there was a well-coordinated effort by an illustrious and diverse group of politicians, scientists, and journalists for a science debate that would address questions as wide-ranging as embryonic stem cell research, the safety of consumer products, and drug policy. Obama has already pledged to address many of those issues, but whether or not he will elevate the position of science adviser to cabinet level remains to be seen.

In a similar vein, Politico reports that Obama “is seriously considering the creation of an Energy Security Council within the White House, according to sources close to the transition.” The article also notes, however, that “A key Obama aide would not confirm the likelihood of a new council.” But though the future is far from certain, further insights can be found at a creative online exercise taking place at The New York Times’s new Green, Inc. blog, where the team invited a roundtable of energy experts to weigh in on what may come.

And finally, it’s well worth checking out the rolling coverage at Grist’s Barack Obama topic page. There, Kate Sheppard reports that “House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), at a press conference on Wednesday, talked up the need for a stimulus package that includes green elements, ideally before Obama even takes office.” And David Roberts makes the smart observation that “Greens are deeply accustomed to believing that politicians are humoring them and will abandon their concerns at the first sign of lobbying … Perhaps, at least for a short while, Obama has earned the presumption of good faith.”

And perhaps he has. But if the last four days are any indication, the press isn’t going to leave it at that (indeed, I’ve only mentioned a fraction of the coverage here; for more, see the round-up at Knight Science Journalism Tracker). Journalists have spent eight years covering Bush’s environmental negligence—and this time they expect real change.

N.B. Anybody that is unfamiliar with the environmental issues that Obama will have to contend with should check out David Biello’s excellent, link-heavy round-up at Scientific American.

Newspapers Just Want To Be Loved

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In the wake of Barack Obama’s victory in Tuesday's presidential election, people across the country rushed, in record numbers, to buy copies of Wednesday morning's newspapers. CJR spoke of the extraordinary sales figures on Thursday.

But while publishers and editors undoubtedly reveled in the attention (and much-needed profits), one voice spoke out against the hot-cold treatment readers have given the press over the last couple of rocky years.

WaPo staff writer Paul Farhi sent this letter to Romenesko today.

Take heed, newspaper readers, past and present. We journalists have feelings, too.

CJR staff, tongue partially in cheek, will be live-blogging Obama's first press conference as President-Elect. Feel free to join us in the Comments section. (Click on the headline to read all comments.)

Bloomberg Steps Up

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This story crossed Bloomberg's wire just before noon today:

BLOOMBERG NEWS SUES FED TO FORCE DISCLOSURE OF LOAN COLLATERAL

There’s not much to say but “Go Bloomberg” as the thundering herd of financial news files suit against the Federal Reserve to force disclosure of basic information about the financial bailout.

I don’t have a link available but here are some excerpts:

By Mark Pittman
Nov. 7 (Bloomberg) -- Bloomberg News asked a U.S. court today to force the Federal Reserve to disclose securities the central bank is accepting on behalf of American taxpayers as collateral for $1.5 trillion of loans to banks. The lawsuit is based on the U.S. Freedom of Information Act, which requires federal agencies to make government documents available to the press and the public, according to the complaint. The suit, filed in New York, doesn't seek money damages.

It should be made clear that this lawsuit deals with the main aspects of the bailout—government loans to financial institutions. Bloomberg, quite rightly, wants to know what kind of collateral the government is getting in return. It is stunning to think that taxpayers don’t get to know what kind of collateral they are getting on loans they’re forced to make, but that’s how it is, hence the need for this lawsuit.

(Comic) Strip Mining

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With cartoonist Berkeley Breathed's decision to end his comic strip career, many Sunday funnies readers are about to find there's literally no substitute for Opus.

Instead, starting this weekend, dozens of papers—including The Baltimore Sun, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, and The Plain Dealer in Cleveland—are boosting the size of existing comics in order to fill the space.

The Washington Post Writers Group, which distributed Opus to nearly 200 newspapers, said at least thirty-four editors have reported they would not be buying a replacement strip. Another twenty-three said they will decide later.

Some editors admitted ``this will really help" as they plan their 2009 syndicate budgets, said Amy Lago, comics editor for the Writers Group.

“I want to ask them, `Why are you cutting your comics pages?’” she said. “It just seems so counter to what they’re about.”

Considering Sunday preprint deadlines, Breathed's Oct. 6 announcement gave editors little time to choose a replacement, and came late in a year of unprecedented shakiness for print revenue.

The savings wouldn't equal a salary—Sunday cartoons generally run from five to one hundred dollars per week, depending on circulation—but would help editors struggling to cover many features’ announced annual price increases of 2 to 4 percent.

Still, some readers may appreciate seeing a favorite strip getting better play on Sunday, said Kate Sislin, who sells comics for Tribune Media Services. Some papers “really squished a lot of them in there,” she said, “so opening up that real estate can be a good thing.”

Many cartoonists might agree. In a 1989 interview with Comics Journal, reclusive Calvin and Hobbes creator Bill Watterson argued that “The size issue is crucial to anyone who cares about quality in cartoons. To save space, newsprint, and money, newspapers have been reducing the size of comics for years. It has gotten to the point now, where cartoons can no longer do what they do best.”

Yet others would welcome the chance to add another paper to their strip’s syndication list. Top sellers among those replacing the bow-tied penguin, according to the syndicates, have been Pearls Before Swine and Get Fuzzy from United Media, The Argyle Sweater and Pooch Café from Universal Press Syndicate, Mutts and DeFlocked from King Features Syndicate, and Daddy’s Home and Speed Bump from Creators Syndicate.

The Post Writers Group pitched Darrin Bell's politically savvy Candorville as a good fit for the Opus vacancy. Lago said about forty papers accepted that or another of the syndicate's strips, such as Pickles.

Chad Carpenter's self-syndicated Tundra has grown by twenty-six papers in recent weeks, with about ten of those as an Opus replacement, marketing director Bill Kellogg said.

The nation's largest paper with Sunday funnies, the Los Angeles Times, added Bizarro, while The Washington Post chose The Knight Life.

In Seattle, the choice was Rose is Rose. The Dallas Morning News added Red and Rover. The St. Petersburg Times picked Mutts.

The Day of New London, Conn., took two strips—Pickles and F-Minus—to fill the hole Opus left.

Some editors didn't add a new strip in time for this weekend’s sections, but plan to do so soon.

Mary Lou Nolan, assistant managing editor/features at The Kansas City Star, said she didn't want to add a new comic without getting input from readers first.

The Lexington, Ky., Herald-Leader plans to return Dennis the Menace to its pages in December, following reader outcry over its removal.

Meanwhile, The Sacramento Bee is auditioning Candorville and Secret Asian Man.

Spokane, Wash., Spokesman-Review features editor Ken Paulman, who added Pickles, said he had been looking for a way to get the comic in the paper since its second-place finish in an earlier reader sampling.

“I learned very quickly that you should never change the comics page without having some sort of survey to back you up,” he said in an e-mail. “Readers seem to appreciate having the input even if they don't agree with the outcome.”

Inquiring Minds, Rejoice!

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We may soon learn what Sarah Palin thinks about Alaska's chilly weather! Drudge is reporting that Greta Van Susteren--she of the hard-hitting "First Dude" interview (sample questions: How cold does it get up there on the North Slope? How cold is cold? How do you stay warm? So when it’s blowing like crazy, you’re not cold up there?)--will get first crack at taking the temperature of the hottest governor this side of Schwarzenegger:










Apologies Not Acceptable

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The Washington Post’s correction policy has some elegant turns of phrase, including “Preventing and correcting mistakes are two sides of the coin of our realm: accuracy.” But it says nothing about apologies. Could that be because “The Washington Post doesn’t apologize”?

That quote was attributed to a Post editor in an e-mail published by the Washington City Paper this week. The email was written by David Winer, the managing partner of EatWell DC, a restaurant group in the Washington area. He sent it to members of his company’s mailing list to respond to a scathing review published in the Post. Winer also contacted the paper to raise questions about the critic’s conflict of interest. As a result, the Post published this Editor’s Note:

Critic Tom Sietsema should have recused himself from reviewing the Commissary, a restaurant featured in the Oct. 29 Food section. He and one of the restaurant’s owners had earlier had a personal relationship. The Washington Post regrets that he reviewed this restaurant, and will remove the review from its online archive.

Here’s how Winer’s e-mail described the conversation with Sietsema’s editor, Tom Shroder:

Mr. Shroder, understanding the ramifications of Mr. Sietsema’s actions offered a settlement; kill the story on the web immediately, print a retraction in Sunday’s paper, and that neither Mr. Sietsema nor any member of The Washington Post food team would ever write about any Eatwell DC restaurant again. What they would not do is apologize for the harm caused by Sietsema’s spurious comments. “The Washington Post doesn’t apologize” but “we will say we regret”.

I’m not aware of any other media organization that has a “no apologies” policy. Plenty of other newspapers have no problem apologizing. Some have even apologized for things that happened decades or even centuries in the past. But it’s true that the Post almost never apologizes.

A Nexis search turned up Post articles offering advice on how to apologize, as well as editorials and columns that judged other people’s apologies. The closest I came to a recent apology was a letter to the editor published in September of last year, written by by an op-ed contributor who wanted to apologize for an error:

I apologize to MSNBC talk-show host Joe Scarborough and to The Post for the cutting description of Mr. Scarborough in a Sept. 7 op-ed, "Guilty in the Duke Case," by me and KC Johnson about the Duke lacrosse case. I wrote that description on the basis of transcripts of "Scarborough Country" programs early in the Duke case. My attention has since been drawn to transcripts of several subsequent programs, and I realize that Mr. Scarborough was one of the handful of journalists who deserve credit for calling attention early in the case to the emerging evidence of innocence.

I am very sorry that because of insufficient research, the op-ed suggested otherwise.

STUART TAYLOR
Washington

In September, Tom Sietsema, the food critic at the center of the controversy, offered a correction and apology while doing a chat with readers on the Post’s Web site. Here’s the exchange:

Point of Correction: Jared Slipp was the GM at the late and much missed Nectar. Danny Boylen was the notable GM of Notti Bianche in the same space.

Tom Sietsema: Right you are. My apologies.

But that's not the same as an apology made by the paper. In order to find an example of the newspaper making a formal apology for an error it had committed, I had to go back to an article published on July 17, 1977. The headline was “An Apology and a Salute To 2 Pilots Named Stinson”:

Katherine Stinson is not dead, even though her photograph was prominently displayed on The Washington Post's obituary page yesterday,” it began. “And even as The Post apologizes for its error, it salutes the achievements of both Katherine Stinson and the subject of the obituary, Katherine Stinson Otero. The two women shared not only names, but also remarkable aviation careers in a time when no one had heard of a women's liberation movement.

That appears to be the only relatively recent example of the paper giving an apology the headline treatment, though there have been other variations on the theme. “Apologies to Monty Bessicks of Cushman & Wakefield, whose name was unrecognizably mangled in a recent column item about his job switch from Galbreath Co.,” read an August 1997 correction.

“WE WISH to correct an error in yesterday's observations here on the consolidation that is rapidly changing the defense industry,” read a March 1994 editorial. "We should have said that it was Loral Corp. (not Martin Marietta Corp.) that bought LTV's missile division two years ago. We got it wrong, and we apologize.”

There were a few other examples where the word apology appeared in a correction, but nothing was more recent than the 1994 editorial. And in the end, they were corrections, not apologies. So, given the example from 1977, perhaps the correct way for the editor to have described the paper’s policy would be: “The Washington Post doesn’t apologize anymore.”

Correction of the Week

"Because of an editing error, an article on Tuesday about Senator Barack Obama’s comments on the hip-hop style of sagging pants and exposed underwear misstated the year that Bill Clinton was asked whether he wore boxers or briefs. The error also appeared in an article on March 8 about an interview Mr. Obama gave US Weekly. It was in 1994 that a member of an MTV audience asked President Clinton the question — not in 1992 while Mr. Clinton was campaigning for president. (For those who may have remembered the year but have forgotten Mr. Clinton’s answer, he preferred briefs; Mr. Obama refused to answer the question when asked by US Weekly.)" –The New York Times

Please Continue Enjoying Your Chicken Pot Pie

"There is no salmonella outbreak involving Banquet turkey or chicken pot pies. The information appearing in the newspaper summarized a 2007 incident." The Lima News

Parting Shot

"Editor’s note: In a handwritten letter from Joreen Ludeke of Burkburnett, the Times Record News mistakenly translated her statement, “My mother who was very savvy about politics …” into “very sorry about politics.” We regret the error." – Times Record News

Oprah Gives Another Endorsement

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Oprah, apparently, has one more Favorite Thing to add to her list: the Chicago Sun-Times. On Wednesday, the uber-host walked onstage for a filming of her talk show holding the tabloid--its cover art an iconic, black-and-white photo of Obama, with the title "Mr. President"--on display for her audience. And, yesterday, Oprah informed guest Will Smith that the Sun-Times issue "was the best paper of all the papers in the world."

And who's reporting all this, incidentally? The Chicago Sun-Times.




















Kudos to the WaPo...

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...for this moving, important, and brilliantly written profile of Eugene Allen, a White House butler for thirty-four years who, since Tuesday night, "has even more reason" to carry himself with pride.

The Economist (Heart) Utah

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A Debit to The Economist for adding to the list of stories that try too hard to give good news on the economy. This time the press goes local in looking for a bright spot, explaining to us why “Utah’s economy is soaring above its neighbours.”

The trouble is that Utah’s economy isn’t soaring even in a relative sense. It’s limping along and going down at a slower pace only relative to subprime havens California, Arizona and Nevada.

Furthermore, the news is less that Utah tends to do better than the rest of the nation, which is a years-old story, and more that as Utah has become increasingly bound to the national economy, it has become more vulnerable to national swings—although even that news is not exactly new.

The magazine says:

So far Utah, a state best-known for Mormonism and pretty rocks, is looking unusually healthy.

Kind of a backhanded compliment. Nonetheless, our PR-warning meter is starting to send tentative bleeps to the Audit Control Center. What, we ask ourselves, is the news here?

Audit Roundup: Shopper Shock

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The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal employ different tones on the terrible retail sales reports yesterday.

The Times’ lede:

Sales at the nation’s largest retailers fell off a cliff in October, casting fresh doubt on the survival of some chains and signaling that this will probably be the weakest Christmas shopping season in decades.

The Journal’s:

U.S. retailers reported dismal sales for October, prompting them to resort to steeper discounts and earlier promotions as they try to salvage the coming holiday season.

I’ll side with the Times’ dire version, though I question this paragraph:

A few retailers have strong balance sheets, but many do not, and with credit hard to find they can ill afford a disastrous Christmas season. Analysts said they expected a new wave of bankruptcies after the first of the year.

That makes it seem as if more than half of retailers will go bust, which seems unlikely. The Times should also have noted that retailers have much better balance sheets than they did a decade ago.

Princess Leia Ain't Cheap

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The Chicago Tribune estimates that CNN's ridiculous/awesome/innovative/bizarre/unnecessary election-night holograms cost, in all, between...$300,000 and $400,000.

Andrew Orloff estimates that, anyway. Orloff is creative director of Zoic Studios, a Los Angeles firm that, per the Trib, "creates visual effects for TV, movies, commercials and video games." His take on the hologramification of election night?

"It was pretty cool, but it was a little bit weird too. … It was a little bit creepy," he said. "They were not quite looking at each other—[Blitzer] couldn't see what we saw."

Slate sums up the end of the presidential race in two minutes:




How We Talked About It, Part II

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The front page of today’s Boston Globe has an inexplicably simplistic article innocuously titled, “Checking racism’s postelection pulse.” In it, staff writers Keith O’Brien and Michael Levenson ponder what they perhaps thought was a good post-election question: “Is racism in America dead?”

It’s simply the wrong question to ask. The fact that Obama was elected to presidential office has huge social and cultural implications for our country, but nowhere in that narrative-to-be exists the notion that if he is elected, then it will mean that racism is dead. There is no such if-then construct.

Here’s how the Globe couches it:

As they woke yesterday morning, settling into the news that voters had elected an African-American to be the next president, schoolchildren and professors, chief executives and bus drivers, black people, white people, and others were asking themselves a simple question.


Is racism in America dead?

The answer, coming as people began to digest the fact that a majority of Americans had chosen a black man, Barack Obama, to be the 44th president, was not nearly as straightforward. No, but sort of. Maybe, but probably not. While Obama's achievement was profound, its psychological lift enormous for many, the impact on the rhythms of people's everyday lives was revealing itself in subtler ways.

The people quoted in the story have reflective, sometimes powerful, things to say. It’s really just the question—the Globe’s frame—that is all wrong. It’s reductionist, and an error in logic, to consider that a black man becoming president is the last nail pounded into the coffin for racism, and while it’s highly unlikely that that was the Globe’s assumption, it’s just as simplistic or condescending to think that people might consider it so. Even the most ecstatic of Obama supporters wouldn’t suggest that racism is dead in this country. So why ask whether it is?

The story’s question is grounded in the emotional context provided in the following paragraph:

On the streets of Boston, a city whose epochal racial tensions were captured in a famous photograph of a white man spearing a black man with the staff of an American flag, people of all races basked in the postelection glow yesterday. Sleep-deprived, they recounted where they were when the returns came in, how they felt when they learned Obama had won, and what they believe his victory signaled.

But the reporters get the language wrong. The photograph, taken in 1976 when the city was struggling to integrate its school system, shows a white man apparently attempting to spear a black man in front of Boston’s old State House—not actually making contact with him. Spearing can mean “thrusting at” in addition to “impaling,” but only if it’s used as an intransitive verb. The word choice is unnecessarily misleading; if we’re talking about difficult topics, let’s at least get them right. (Here’s an earlier Globe book review that offers some background on the incident. And here’s the Pulitzer-prize-winning photo itself.)

Lingering on this photograph, you realize that the article’s question—“Is racism in America dead?”—is really two-pronged. There’s an historical view, as epitomized by the photograph, which at the time was emblematic of white resistance to court-mandated busing between, for example, black Roxbury and white South Boston. But there’s also the cultural present, the here-and-now view, which encompasses the hopes that, as one Roxbury resident said in the article, racial profiling by the police will decrease, or that, as a teenager noted, “he would no longer be stared at like a ‘creature’ when he walks into downtown office buildings full of white people.” And while the two views are part of a spectrum, they’re still miles apart.

Have we gotten past those moments in Boston’s history of “epochal racial tensions,” as documented by that disturbing photograph? The answer is that, yes, for the most part, we have. And with its overarching question, the story initially seems to be asking about that history. (Have we reached a milestone? Have we outrun—forever, for good, indubitably—the dark days of our country’s very racist past?)

But that’s not really what the question, “Is racism in America dead?” asked the day after a black man was elected president, should mean. The subtext should tackle the here-and-now prong of the question: whether this simultaneously symbolic and very real victory might improve life for minorities in this country.

The answer to that is, as the article states in its opening paragraphs, “No, but sort of. Maybe, but probably not.” And many people quoted in the story answer the question in that vein. These answers are weighted by the knowledge that racism (take your pick of the supermarket, glass ceiling, or profiling varieties) does in fact very prevalently still exist. (They’re also the reason that the idealistic post-race argument of Obama’s candidacy, and now presidency, doesn’t hold very much water.)

This was, ultimately, the Globe’s mistake: asking what is essentially a double-entendre question without distinguishing between its two subtexts.

It’s not to say that the two aren’t inextricably linked. But there is an irritating simplicity in the reporters’ choice to use the historical photograph as the context for a question that is most relevant in the present day. That photograph is a time stamp for the reporters’ queries about racism, and it allows them to say Yes, indeed, we have come so far since that moment.

The problem with that narrative is that, like the is-there-isn’t-there discussion surrounding the Bradley Effect, having made progress in some sense is not a referendum on the State of Racism in America—or, at least, not a very holistic one. Some media watchers feared that if the Bradley Effect turned out to be nonexistent (as it did) in this election, the media would conflate that story (that people are no longer lying to pollsters about whom they are voting for) with the more dubious story that racism no longer plagues the country. That, fortunately, hasn’t yet happened. But conflating Obama’s victory with a similar diagnosis is making the same mistake, and, to boot, not giving readers enough credit for wanting more nuanced reporting.

And finally, while the “schoolchildren and professors, chief executives and bus drivers, black people, white people, and others” cited at the beginning of the article all make appearances and have their say, it’s not clear whether they each asked themselves if racism in America was dead, as the article states. Particularly if the question was first introduced by the reporters themselves, attributing the question to the sources and anecdotally reporting that, as they woke up, they asked themselves “a simple question,” is a patronizing tactic. Not least because the question is anything but simple.

The Palin Pile-On

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Inspirational election be damned. We’ve heard plenty of inspired rhetoric and historic wonderment. Let’s get on to the good stuff: gossip!

New reporting delivers thrilling behind-the-scenes details to reveal the real Sarah Palin, and it’s a hoot!

Palin didn’t know the countries involved in NAFTA! And that Africa was a continent! She refused coaching for the Couric interview! She opened the door in a towel! She went off the talking points when she brought up Bill Ayers! The vetting process was “truncated”!

This is a heavy dose of gossip, and watching Fox News’s Carl Cameron deliver his report on The O’Reilly Factor, you cannot help but notice his glee. His juicy tidbits were previously held in his off-the-record vault, until the election was over. Now, he’s free to spill.

During the broadcast with O’Reilly and also with Shepard Smith, Cameron reports:

We are told by folks that she didn’t know what countries were in NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, that being Canada, U.S., and Mexico. We’re told that she didn’t understand that Africa was a continent, rather than a country just in itself....

Taking those few seconds to explain what NAFTA stands for, and rattle off its member nations, Cameron illustrates a kind of “duh-everyone-knows-that” derision toward Palin, now that he’s no longer obligated to cover her as a candidate. Andrew Sullivan called Palin “the gift that keeps on giving,” and boy, are his palms itching to do the unwrapping.

The cult of personality surrounding Palin is still going strong. Yet the tone has changed: during the campaign, the press attempted to carefully navigate sensitive topics—Palin’s religion, her daughter’s pregnancy, and so on. But now that the polls are closed, it seems, no need for caution remains. Now, articles stuffed to the brim with quotes from unnamed campaign aides help to write the final chapter of McCain-Palin 2008. Both The New York Times’s expose and Newsweek’s upcoming election recap rely heavily on quotes from anonymous campaign advisors, previously silent during the run-up.

The sourcing itself has inspired its own share of speculation, specifically about Randy Scheunemann’s role in leaking inside info to the Times’s William Kristol. This minor drama is interesting enough, but doesn’t nourish the appetite for gossip as much as do Fox, Newsweek and the Times.

But the retroactive focus on Palin’s flaws serves two purposes: yes, it feeds the gossip mongers, but it also deflects attention from McCain’s failed campaign. For his staffers, blaming Palin is easy; accepting the blame themselves is harder to swallow. After weeks of sitting on these juicy gems, reporters can’t be blamed for wanting to spill. But, I, for one, am looking forward to the serious stuff once the giggles die down.

Ballet Lessons From Rahm Emanuel

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Before Rahm Emanuel became Barack Obama's officially announced chief of staff, I tried to interview him about ballet.

A few years ago, I was working as an editor at Dance Teacher magazine and saw Emanuel on The Daily Show or The Colbert Report, and I thought he seemed cool. His wikipedia page said that he studied dance all the way through college, and I hatched a plan to interview my first congressman.

Excited, I e-mailed his press secretary and waited for weeks for a response. I had my questions all prepared: What advice do you have for male dancers who deal with ridicule? and How did studying dance prepare you for your career in government?

Then, a flicker of hope: "We'll set something up," she wrote. Then, nothing. I never did get Emanuel on the phone, and considering his new gig, maybe I never will.

The Enthusiast

Cultural critic John Leonard died Wednesday night at the age of sixty-nine. The following profile, by Meghan O'Rourke, was published in CJR's January/February 2007 issue.

John Leonard was a literary prodigy who became editor of The New York Times Book Review at the tender age of thirty-two; today he is sixty-seven, and during a recent interview with Bill Moyers, sounded very much like a “lion in winter.” He has been writing cultural criticism in mainstream newspapers and magazines — among them The New York Times, New York, Harper’s, The New York Review of Books, and The Nation — since 1960. Yet for those readers who have encountered his writing piecemeal over the years — an essay here, a review there — it may be hard to trace the contours of his critical persona. Unlike James Wood, the chief literary critic of The New Republic, he doesn’t have a grand theory of fiction; unlike Michael Dirda, a senior editor at The Washington Post Book World, he is not a man of belles lettres; unlike the novelist and essayist Dale Peck, he is not a pugilist. He is neither a Freudian, nor a Marxist, nor a proponent of one aesthetic camp or another. Rather, his is the role of the discerning enthusiast, the Saturday reviewer who has read far more than most people and who writes about his discoveries with greater attention, insight, and felicity of self-expression than most of us can muster on any day of the week.

It would be fine to leave it at that, if it weren’t that the word “enthusiast” sounds dilettantish, somehow not quite serious. So let us try this: John Leonard is our primary progressive, catholic literary critic; he is also, with the exception of Susan Sontag, the best American literary critic to come of age in the 1960s, when the destabilizing forces of rock ’n’ roll and popular culture ransacked Axel’s Castle, that modernist symbol of aesthetic detachment, and began throwing parties in the inner keep. Like Sontag and Camille Paglia, Leonard has been one of the few literary essayists who can make sense of the erosion of highbrow culture, ruing elements of its loss while embracing the forces of popular culture. He is a man who loves The Beatles and Arthur Koestler, Joan Baez and William Wordsworth; and whom we can trust, now, when he worries that our intellectual culture is being, if not “dumbed down,” then coarsened. He may be an “old fart,” as he describes himself. But in outlook he is still a young progressive — the word-drunk man who has done for literary criticism what Lester Bangs did for rock journalism.

“I am aware that my own regard for books is overly worshipful,” Leonard observed in a state-of-the-culture essay from his most recent collection, Lonesome Rangers. The bluntness about his own weakness is characteristic, a sign of the deep self-consciousness that imbues his writing. That self-consciousness helped Leonard cultivate a vibrant critical voice in the 1960s and ’70s. But as the world of literary journalism is being shaken yet again — this time, by the shrinking coverage of books in the mainstream press and the simultaneous growth of the blogosphere — one wonders whether Leonard’s particular critical virtues, his combination of idiosyncratic rigor and off-the-cuff immediacy, will find ways to survive and thrive.

A critic’s reputation is usually a function of his or her authority and expertise. But Leonard came of age in an era when authority itself became suspect. Born in 1939 to an Episcopalian mother and an Irish Catholic father, he grew up in Long Beach, California. As an undergraduate at Harvard in the late 1950s, Leonard was schooled in the New Criticism, a method of analysis that focuses exclusively on a literary work’s formal characteristics. “I was hit over the head with it, but I knew I didn’t like it, because I knew I liked social context and politics and history. So I read Freud, I read Marx, I read theory. When theory takes over, I cease to be interested, but you need to try on all these glasses.”

After getting his B.A., Leonard went on to work in the antiwar movement and the civil rights movement. His reading was shaped by his politics, and his politics shaped his reading. Along the way, he began reviewing books, and writing novels, and in 1967 he came to New York as a junior editor at The New York Times Book Review.

By 1971, he had been named the Book Review’s editor in chief — “through a series of accidents, deaths,” he says. He turned it into a provocative and combative section that many still think represents a high point in the publication’s history. On the cover, he put reviews of daring novels by relative unknowns (like End Zone, Don DeLillo’s second novel), and he published thoughtful reviews of the literature of debate surrounding the Vietnam War. After he stepped down, in 1975, he began reviewing books as a daily critic for the Times, and, later, movies and TV for other venues, including CBS Sunday Morning and New York. Although he has written widely on popular culture, he considers literary criticism to be his true vocation. “I love pop culture. I reviewed TV for decades and got a kick out of it, but nobody is going to tell me that there are deeper abiding complexities and discomfitures than those I find in great literature,” he says. And it is in his literary criticism that the outlines of a powerful life of the mind truly take shape.

Leonard has published six essay collections — This Pen for Hire (1973), Private Lives in the Imperial City (1979), The Last Innocent White Man in America (1993), Smoke and Mirrors (1997), When the Kissing Had to Stop (1999), and Lonesome Rangers (2002) — and to read any one of them is to be struck by how the pieces speak to one another. A Leonard collection is not a miscellany. From the start, his work has expressed powerful ambivalences about inherited systems of thinking. His main strength, as a reader of fiction and literary nonfiction, is the way he complicates what are often framed as zero-sum debates. Among his best writing in recent years is an essay on Primo Levi that scrutinizes the assumption of some critics — the novelist Cynthia Ozick among them — that Levi was too forgiving of the Holocaust, too willing to put his hatred and damage aside. For those critics, Levi’s final book, The Drowned and the Saved, in which he writes about the horrors of camp prisoners’ collaborating with Nazis to avoid being exterminated, marks an ascent to form because it finally unleashes Levi’s rage and hate. But for Leonard, it is a further tragedy, the manifestation of the encroaching unbalance that led Levi, finally, to kill himself. The earlier Levi, he suggests, “argues that perhaps something of the best of us, skeptical, ironic and aware, could outlive the worst.” Why wish for those who bring us news from horror to have no sense of forgiveness?

If the primary mode of literary criticism is exposition, Leonard’s method tends to be immersion. His reviews rarely treat a single book by the author at hand; rather, he gathers together a mass of textual and biographical materials. In his essays on Saul Bellow, Bruce Chatwin, Ralph Ellison, Bernard Malamud, Bob Dylan, and, more recently, Jonathan Lethem, Rick Moody, and Jonathan Franzen, he peers closely at “those masks, sacred and profane, that the artist wears while digging up the buried bodies and playing with the bones.” Instead of merely analyzing a book, he brings to life an entire literary sensibility, warts and all, animating each writer’s larger outlook.

Leonard himself has a novelist’s knack for memorable characterization. He has called Edmund Wilson “an alcoholic minotaur,” and has described Joan Didion as a journalist writing “gnomic haikus” while “wearing a bikini and a migraine to every convulsion of the post-war culture.” Leonard is also a connoisseur of the aphorism. From a 1981 essay on literary status: “A curmudgeon is different from a snob. A snob can be disdainful in only one direction; a curmudgeon spreads his contumely around.” From a 1977 essay on literature about businessmen: “Kafka looked in the mirror and saw the modern corporation.” At times, he is diverted by insider punning and overly dense allusions — too much so, for example, in the opening of “Knee-Deep in the Alien Corn,” an essay from When the Kissing Had to Stop, in which he writes, “Forget Seinfeld — a cheese doodle of urban fecklessness in which, to every penis joke, the white bread slackers wore a prophylactic smirk.” Still, his wordplay is often illuminating and enlivening. It reminds us there are as many ways of talking about literature as there are of writing a short story.

As a critic, Leonard wants to be part of no club that will have him. He is skeptical of anyone who espouses, too avidly, an affection for postmodernism or a retreat to traditionalism. In his view, there is a distinct set of (sometimes unrecognized) writers who have furthered the idiom of American fiction. Often, but certainly not always, those are writers with an interest in American radicalism; often, but not always, their prose is incantatory, rhythmic, inventive — writers like Didion, DeLillo, Richard Powers, and Toni Morrison. Leonard, in fact, was among the first reviewers to canonize Morrison’s novel Beloved, in the Los Angeles Times Book Review, where he wrote in 1987: “Beloved belongs on the highest shelf of American literature, even if half a dozen canonized white boys have to be elbowed off.” Morrison would end up being awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, in 1993, and last spring, Beloved was named the best novel of the past twenty-five years by a panel of literary critics and novelists. In a piece Leonard wrote when Morrison received the Nobel in Sweden — he traveled to the ceremony — the critic of no club delighted in seeing a female African American author being welcomed into the ur-club.

Those who don’t like Leonard’s criticism often claim that he is, especially in recent years, too “nice.” Perhaps. “When I was young I loved to slash and burn, and that has definitely changed,” he says. “I obviously am disinclined in these autumnal days to trashing anything. Occasionally you have to write something negative, because an important writer has written a book that you feel is symptomatic of something deeply wrong with culture — like Norman Podhoretz’s last book.”

It’s a shame, in a way, that Leonard doesn’t slash and burn more frequently, since his attack on Podhoretz’s Ex-Friends, “Norman Podhoretz, Alone at Last,” is lucid, hilarious, sharp-tongued, and perspicacious, a send-up of not only Podhoretz but the broader schmoozing involved in being part of the punditocracy, and the literary world, today. “There can be no more authoritarian an intellectual,” he writes, infuriated by Podhoretz’s put-downs of gay men and feminists, “than the one who ordains that everybody else in the democratic motley must look and behave exactly like him.”

Leonard has described himself as a “lapsed Catholic,” and there’s a case to be made that his religious upbringing (or lack of it) informs his criticism. He was raised Episcopalian, but as a fourteen-year-old he found some rosary beads in a drawer and asked his mother whose they were; she told him they were his, and that she had promised his father to raise him Catholic. “So I did what any teenage boy would do, and I tried to become Catholic, in a punk, adolescent way,” he told me, and began to read the major Catholic writers — Thomas Aquinas, Augustine, Thomas Merton. Sometime later he “came out the other end, an agnostic atheist.”

Today, Leonard is sensitive to the strains of grace that turn up in writers from John Cheever to Don DeLillo. Reviewing Cheever’s final novel, Oh What a Paradise It Seems — a book no one wanted to review, because Cheever was dying, and the novel was bad — Leonard struck a middle road, critiquing Cheever’s self-cannibalizing tendencies, but looking for the motivating curiosity, and using the novel as an occasion to summarize the value of the writer’s outlook:

It seems to me that Cheever speaks not so much of failures of luck and charm and nerve as of failures of faith. How to be brave and good? He mobilizes language in the service of decencies and intuitions that are no longer sanctioned at any altar or practiced in any politics. His stories are brilliant prayers on behalf of ‘‘the perfumes of life: seawater, the smoke of burning hemlock, and the breasts of women.’’ If his church, emphatically Episcopalian, is just another ‘‘ruined cathedral,’’ then he will look for a sacred grove at Beasley’s Pond. . . . The heart is a compass; there is inside our mess of memory and desire a moral pole toward which the knowing needle swings and points. Something will be required of us: an extravagance, a surprise, a rhapsody, a proof, ‘‘the stamina of love, a presence (we feel) like the beginnings of some stair.’’ Be ready. It could happen anywhere, in the Balkans or in Shady Hill or even in Chicago. It often does, if the prayer was written by John Cheever.

This is a fabulous passage of writing as well as an astute summation of Cheever’s ethos. It reminds us that Cheever wasn’t merely a writer of suburban ennui, but a believer, of sorts. It is also metaphorical, allusive, ambivalent — powerfully drawn.

For all the stock Leonard places in the importance of reviewing, he stalwartly guards against the inflation of self-regard that encroaches on most experts. American literary critics of a strong political bent have been the worst among them, assigning a level of importance and historical necessity to their opinions that Leonard finds specious. “The Partisan Reviewers” — Philip Rahv, Mary McCarthy, Norman Mailer — “were never as important as they thought they were. Nobody could be, and intellectuals never are,” he writes in his essay on Ex-Friends.

Such suspicion of intellectual arrogance is behind the impulse to dismantle one’s pretenses in public that runs through Leonard’s essay collections; it is an impulse that all critics might take to heart. Critics, after all, play games in their reviews, often preening and primping at the expense of the writer. As Leonard put it, reviewing a biography of Saul Bellow by James Atlas, “A hoary old reviewer’s scam is to pretend you already knew all the inside stuff before you ever read the biography you’re about to quibble with by poaching from. Let me be upfront: Almost everything I know about Bellow that I didn’t guess from reading him I got from the encyclopedic Atlas.” For all his knowledge, Leonard has been able to build into his writing a form of ambivalence and questioning, and it’s this point of view that separates the good reviewer from the great critic. Writing about why he travels, he says, “I want to go anywhere, and to feel ambivalent about it,” explaining that what he most desires is to “dislocate myself.” It’s an apt summation of his critical approach.

These days, Leonard finds himself feeling a little too dislocated. He worries that the dry season of literary culture has arrived. “You talk about this and you begin to sound like an old fart,” he says. “You hear it coming out of your mouth and you wonder whether anything you’re saying is true. But it seemed there was a greater number of serious reviews. And there was certainly a better quality of book reviewing. Certainly at magazines like Time and Newsweek; it’s a scandal what they’re doing now,” he says, noting how little space they give to serious books. In his mind, it’s not just the shrinking number of pages that is the problem; it’s also the sense of opportunism and entitlement that many young critics, wanting to make a name for themselves, bring to the table. “Reviewing has all become performance art; it’s all become posturing. It’s going to have to be the lit blogs that save us. At least they have passion.” But even a fan of literary blogs may wonder if their enthusiasm is enough; passion is a crucial aspect of literary criticism, but passion alone doesn’t produce the essayists of the sort who shape our deepest thinking about our literary culture.

Leonard also believes that young reviewers aren’t encouraged to diversify their knowledge base. In one journalism class he taught, students told him they didn’t want to read some of the critics and novelists on the assigned reading list because “they didn’t want to be influenced.” Influence, in Leonard’s mind, is an asset — the way we become versed in the language of criticism. “I think a young critic has to find a situation, paying or not, where they can expand, not specialize. But you’ve got to throw yourself into deep water. You’ve got to review a writer whose other books you have to read and that means you have to find a comfortable place with an editor who is elastic enough . . . . You only find your voice by using it on a variety of subjects, not just repeating the same tune.”

The poet William Wordsworth once wrote of “The marble index of a mind forever/voyaging through strange seas of Thought, alone” — lines that Leonard recently quoted in an essay on the book Herman Melville, by Elizabeth Hardwick. One can see why these lines might appeal to a literary critic. It is not quite apt, though. John Leonard’s mind is not a marble index, but three-dimensional, contoured, and warm with the palpable energy of a life lived in the strange and complicating literary seas of ambivalence.

Huckabee on Health, Again

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A year ago, former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee was out on the stump talking about health care and everything else. We reported that, campaigning in South Carolina, he “urged a revolutionary overhaul of the country’s health care system,” saying that a “Humpty-Dumpty philosophy” of waiting until Americans fall off the wall before insurance will pay is “insanity.” Huckabee, now a contributor on Fox News, has moved on to the speaking circuit, talking in some detail about what he means by “revolutionary,” and his message is a fresh addition to the national health care discussion.

During the early part of the campaign, the candidates talked a lot about whose plan would cover more of the uninsured. As it wound down, we had seemingly endless stories about the two different routes to reform proposed by John McCain and Barack Obama. But no one was focusing on what makes people healthy or unhealthy, or what makes a country’s health statistics bad or good. And ours are not so good right now. That discussion is a deeper one, perhaps ill-suited to the sound-bite one liners that characterized much of the health coverage this election season.

Yesterday, Huckabee spoke at the annual meeting of the New York Business Group on Health, an organization of employers that pay the health care bills for their workers. He didn’t talk about whose plan was best, or what the president-elect will do first, or how many people can get covered under an incremental approach to reform. Instead, he talked about the culture that makes too many Americans sick in the first place—in other words, what some economists call the social determinants of health.

Huckabee, an engaging and funny public speaker, didn’t use those words, or any economic wonk talk. Instead, he talked about obesity among children and why thirty, forty, and fifty years ago, children were not fat. They played outside, rode bicycles, and didn’t eat much junk food or sit in front of the computer playing video games. Food portions were smaller. Gigantic bottles of pop and sugary drinks were unheard of. He also talked of the serious health conditions that loom large for overweight kids, noting that, for the first time in U.S. history, children will have shorter life spans than their parents and grandparents. He talked of the cost of treating the consequences of these cultural changes, and that, down the road, financially “we’re not going to sustain the current system.” There wasn’t much discussion of this during the campaign. As Huckabee said, “the real enemy is not the health care system; it’s poor health.”

Huckabee called for a cultural transformation in the way we eat, exercise, and use our leisure time, and cited four examples of cultural transformation that have affected health: less smoking; penalties for drunk driving and little public tolerance for drunk drivers; use of seat belts, and a reduction in litter. “We’re not going to fix this in the next presidential election,” he warned. “Changing the cultural focus will take a generational cycle, not an election cycle.”

“Ours is a treat-the-snake-bite system,” he said. “We don’t cover visits to podiatrists that cost $150, but we cover an amputation that costs $35,000,” he said, referring to preventive care for diabetic patients. It seems to me that there are good story ideas in all of this—stories that might discuss health before the snake actually bites. Here’s where the press can actually lead instead of follow, the way some good media outlets did in the old days. This might serve the public better in the post-election phase than stories speculating on who will run the Department of Health and Human Services or the NIH.

A questioner in the audience asked the former governor whether he would be Obama’s health czar. “I got a show on Fox now,” he said. “I don’t have the patience to work at that level right now.” We’ll be watching to see if Huckabee as a commentator/contributor/culture change evangelist will use the Fox platform to continue preaching his message.

Chris Matthews might need a refresher course...in Journalism 101. Talking about the Rahm Emanuel rumors with Joe Scarborough, Mika Brzezinski, Rick Stengel, and Lawrence O'Donnell on today's Morning Joe, Matthews declared that his job as a journalist is "to make this thing work, this new presidency work." At which Scarborough et al pounced:

MATTHEWS: You know what? I want to do everything I can to make this thing work, this new presidency work.
SCARBOROUGH: Is that your job? You just talked about your being a journalist.
MATTHEWS: Yeah, that’s my job. My job is to help this country.
SCARBOROUGH: So your job as a journalist is to make this presidency work?
MATTHEWS: To make this work successfully, because this country needs a successful presidency, more than anything right now....
BRZEZINSKI: Well, I'm a little confused about what the job is here, because of course we all want things to work, but I'm not sure it's our job. Rick Stengel, in terms of, when someone is--
MATTHEWS: How can you not root for the success of a new president?
BRZEZINSKI: You know what? I just think, well, it's going to be important to ask questions.
SCARBOROUGH: As Americans, Chris Matthews, we are all rooting for the success of Barack Obama. America is at a perilous time. But you just talked about being a journalist, and your job as a journalist is not to question motives--and then, two seconds later, you said your job was to make this presidency a success. We're just--that’s curious.

Curious, indeed. The job of a politician, Chris--say, I don't know, a Pennsylvania senator--is "to make this work successfully." That is not the job of a journalist.






[h/t Michael Calderone]

A tidbit from this Editor & Publisher article about papers ordering extra print runs of Wednesday's editions:

Other papers are reporting similar demand for the print edition and expanded print plans, despite extensive coverage already online. More than 200 ads were on Ebay by this afternoon for Obama presidential newspaper editions, with at least one seeking $100 for a New York Times copy. Most others ranged from $6 to $25.

This morning, the highest bid on EBay for Wednesday's NYT is $150, with a $400 buy-it-now option. (No bids yet though.) In contrast, Chicago Tribunes are being sold in bundles--most notably a lot of 400 copies offered for $1,009.99. (Two bids so far.) Erm, does this not cut it for collectible purposes?

More from E&P on print runs here.

"Pent-Up Political Ambition" (Run!)

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CabinetStakes, Horror Film Edition. As reported by the Boston Globe, the speculation that John Kerry might join President-Elect Obama's Cabinet and thus leave his Senate seat up for the taking takes on a distinct Scary Movie vibe:

In fact, there has not been an open Senate seat in Massachusetts since 1984, and the result has been considerable pent-up political ambition that strategists believe will be unleashed...

Run for your lives! (Also, do not pick up the phone/open the door/fall asleep....)

Legacy Report

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With the election out of the way, let the Bush administration legacy reporting begin in earnest! From the Associated Press today, "Analysis: Bush foreign policy goals largely unmet:"

[Bush's] goals of democratizing the Middle East and winning worldwide respect for the United States are at best works in progress...

Iraq has become less volatile, but it is still not the democratic jewel Bush had hoped to inspire after an invasion to overthrow Saddam Hussein and despite huge investments in American troops and capital...

The list of disappointments is long. In the face of them, Bush has made few strategic adjustments.

The NYT has a nice story this morning on the overwhelming demand yesterday for… wait for it… newspapers!

The election of Barack Obama produced a clamor for newspapers that publishers said they had never seen. From The Cincinnati Enquirer to The Charlotte Observer to The Dallas Morning News, papers accustomed to years of declining sales pumped out extra copies by the thousands, and could not keep pace with demand…

On Wednesday morning, The (Washington) Post ordered up 150,000 copies of a special edition of the day’s paper, charging $1.50, not the usual 50 cents. As the day wore on, it raised that to 250,000, then 350,000. “I’ve been here for 21 years and I’ve never seen anything like this,” Mr. Hills said.

The Chicago Tribune planned for an extra 20,000 copies, on top of its usual single-copy sales of about 50,000. “We’ve ended up doing 200,000 more,” said Mike Dizon, a Tribune spokesman.

Papers were forced to turn their headquarters into newsstands. “We sold 16,000 copies from our lobby, where we’re not set up to sell any,” said Jennifer Morrow, a spokeswoman for The Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

I don’t think it was right or wise for the WaPo to gouge its newfound customers by tripling the cost. It's not going to convert many into long-term subscribers that way, but maybe the paper’s given up on that by now.

Prop 8 by the Numbers

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The California press has done a pretty good job covering the fierce battle over Proposition 8, the same-sex marriage ban, which passed yesterday after a night of counting. (Minus the occasional linguistic fumble. Remember the convoluted stance: yes on eight means no on same-sex marriage.) But with anxious readers repeatedly refreshing pages Tuesday night to see how the latest percentages split, how did West Coast news outlets juggle coverage of the controversial state initiative with front–page reports of the national election? Pretty well.

Tuesday night was admittedly difficult. Until 11 PM EST (when the California polls closed), all eyes and ears were on the presidential race. After 11 PM, all eyes and ears were on the commentary about Obama’s victory. With the presidential race taking precedence, there was less time and space to report on the Prop 8 outcome, one of the most anticipated results in California (and indeed, nationwide).

But to some extent, having less space wasn’t really a problem—most readers were probably keen on getting the results, not the analysis. The hot-button topic has been given a good once over by the California press; the results Tuesday night and Wednesday (At this writing, 52.4 percent in favor of the ban, with 47.6 percent in opposition to it, with 99 percent of precincts reporting, according to the LAT) were largely about the numbers.

For numbers, admittedly, you could go to any number of non-newspaper sources: there was the Web site of California’s Secretary of State, which listed the results of the initiatives in bleak, Courier typeface; Jim Burroway blogged the various state marriage amendments; and CBS’s Eye on Blogs suggested signing up for the Yeson8 and Noon8 Twitter feeds. (If you were curious, the Twitter Grader, which measures impact on Twitter, gives Yeson8 a sixty-four, and NoonProp8 a ninety-nine point one.)

But the Los Angeles Times handled the numbers pretty well too, with a corner box that listed the state initiatives, the respective percentages of “yes” and “no” votes, and the percentage of precincts reported. Click on the initiative, and readers were taken to a graphic of county-by-county results and margins of victory. As initiatives passed or failed, a green check mark or red “x” appeared next to it on the list. It was simple, easily interpreted, and small enough to stand alongside the national news. It floated trustily next to the state-by-state calls for Obama, and next to the “OBAMA WINS” headline that loaded around 11 PM.

The San Francisco Chronicle, meanwhile, put Prop 8 front and center, showing updates with a special News Alert box at the top of its Web site that announced the results as they were reported. (As of this writing, the alert reads: “Same-Sex Marriage Ban Wins Decisively; Opponents Sue,” which leads to an article about the suit.) There were no nifty county-by-county graphics on the Chronicle’s site, but, there were lists—by SF-area county—of Prop 8 returns.

The brief, numbers-heavy emphasis on Prop 8, the initiative with the heaviest presence on the front pages of the LAT, the Chronicle, and smaller papers like the Sacramento Bee, felt well-organized, and unconfusing. It also suggested that the papers had done their jobs—providing analysis on anything from historical precedent to fundraising, personal stories, and well-reported legal speculation—in the weeks preceding Election Day. And it’s ultimately telling that the lines that stick out most in Wednesday’s LAT account of the court challenge from gay-rights advocates, are arguably the following retrospective (and oddly reflective) ones: “With more than 96% of precincts reporting in the state, the measure leads by a margin of 52% to 48%, prompting The Times to call the race. Opponents of the measure have not yet conceded defeat. The loss was devastating to many in the state.”

The condensed lines contain in a nutshell: hard numbers, the newspaper’s responsibility in making the call, and the emotional weight of the response. And while the consequences of Prop 8 and the lawsuit to overturn it are next to be examined in great detail, and the state’s black vote (overwhelmingly in favor of the ban) will be dissected, there’s a modest journalistic thrill to be had in knowing that, in the late hours of Nov. 4, these papers, on the strength of past reporting, could let the numbers, at least to some extent, speak for themselves.

Holy Holograms!

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"CNN essentially doubled its audience from the 2004 Election night," drawing 12.3 million viewers Tuesday night. But, of the 65 million people who watched returns "on the main broadcast and cable news networks," ABC News ranked first with 13.1 million prime-time viewers (per AP, per Nielsen).

To the drawing boards for 2012, CNN! You had us at "hologram..." this time.

McCain Ends “Classy”

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Remember back in September, when Time's Joe Klein, in a post titled, "Apology Not Accepted," blogged:

Back in 2000, after John McCain lost his mostly honorable campaign for the Republican presidential nomination, he went about apologizing to journalists—including me—for his most obvious mis-step: his support for keeping the confederate flag on the state house.

Now he is responsible for one of the sleaziest ads I've ever seen in presidential politics, so sleazy that I won't abet its spread by linking to it, but here's the McClatchy fact check.

I just can't wait for the moment when John McCain—contrite and suddenly honorable again in victory or defeat—talks about how things got a little out of control in the passion of the moment. Talk about putting lipstick on a pig.

Well, that "moment" has come. And it seems several of Klein's peers have already accepted McCain's... concession speech.

James Fallows at his Atlantic blog Tuesday night:

An extremely classy speech by John McCain

Would things have been different if we had seen more of this man during the campaign? We will never know. But all congratulations and honor to him for comporting himself this way at this time.

A wonderful moment for America, which McCain did absolutely nothing to diminish. (The booing yahoos in his crowd are a different matter.) Going out on a high note.

James Surowiecki, at his New Yorker blog:

I don’t quite understand how this is possible, but in giving his concession speech, and particularly the part of it that dealt with America’s history of racial oppression, John McCain was about as good a public speaker as I’ve seen him be throughout the entire campaign. No problem reading from the teleprompter, no weird smiles, no awkward pauses. He actually sounded like he meant it. And his line about how being an American was the connection that meant more to him than anything else was, I think, genuinely moving.

Of course, there is one way in which this makes sense. McCain, it’s always seemed to me, is at heart someone who loves the idea of what the Japanese call the “noble failure.” I don’t think his campaign was noble. But his farewell was.

At Reason, Matt Welch blogged:

McCain's Classy Concession

Aside from the speech's almost astounding graciousness, note McCain's visceral disgust at the anti-Obama/Biden sentiments in the crowd....

And from Tina Brown’s Daily Beast column:

Last night President-Elect Barack Obama gave America back its idea of itself. Just by winning he restored the nobility of a dream that has inspired the world for 230 years...Even McCain seemed a different man when he conceded. Noble again. A Man of honor. The curse of this campaign has been lifted from him too.

Ending "classy" (President Bush's chosen adjective, too). "Noble again."

And it's not just the northeastern media elite feeling this way.

A reaction to McCain's concession speech from the heartland (Kansas City Star):

If only McCain had been this classy on the campaign trail, he may have had a better shot at winning the presidency.

And, from across the pond (Telegraph):

Welcome Back The Real John McCain

John McCain just showed what a class act he is with a truly moving concession speech. It was a taste of the old McCain, a figure I suspect we will see a lot more of in the weeks and months to come.

Of course, McCain’s gracious concession speech is only notable because it contrasts so sharply with the sad and shabby campaign that he chose to run. Five classy minutes should not expiate several months’ worth of name calling, insinuations, and intellectual dishonesty. Honor cannot be worn like a jacket, to be slipped on and off as the situation dictates. John McCain irrevocably ceded his moral high ground during the course of his campaign, and the press should realize that one good speech doesn’t change that. Joe Klein has it right: Talk about putting lipstick on a pig.

Come On, Al Jazeera English

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There was something almost forlorn about Al Jazeera English’s coverage of the U.S. election Tuesday night and Wednesday morning. It was a bit like watching a local college TV station try to compete with the big boys—no matter how hard they try, it’s just not the real thing.

Make no mistake, AJE is not supposed to be CNN. Its mission is very different from that of the other English-language global news channels: to consider things through the prism of the developing world. By that measure, it failed, and what it did produce just wasn’t very good.

Where CNN was, literally, beaming holographs of its correspondents onto a set worthy of the bridge of the Starship Enterprise, AJE anchors Ghida Fakhry and David Foster sat huddled in their coats on a rooftop overlooking the White House, looking like they wished someone would bring them a hot chocolate.

More important, there was a strange lack of gravitas to the AJE election team. Correspondent Rob Reynolds, a U.S. network veteran who has done an excellent job covering Obama, continued to produce yeoman work from Chicago. But where was everyone else? It was like the A-team had the day off. Random people would occasionally pop up – Josh Rushing made a cameo from Texas; we briefly saw Mike Hanna – but there was no continuity, no sense of a whole, no sign that AJE was taking this event seriously. Or that coverage had been planned with any vision.

CNN benefited from what it endlessly told us is “the best political team on television,” and the BBC tapped experts such as Ted Koppel and former U.S. ambassador to the UN John Bolton. AJE, meanwhile, depended for analysis almost solely on former CNN White House correspondent Charles Bierbauer – brought back from obscurity in academia – and, a bit bizarrely, had U.S. political blogger John Nichols on the cavernous and seemingly abandoned set in Doha (yes, Doha, as in Qatar, 8,000 miles from the story), where Kamahl Santamaria was struggling with the slow and – in contrast to ones deployed by CNN and the BBC – dated-looking electoral map on the video wall (that they were not in the U.S. was never overtly acknowledged during my channel surfing).

Bierbauer, the dean of journalism at the University of South Carolina, and Nichols, a contributing editor at The Nation, both know their stuff. But during my lengthy viewing of the channel, the audience never had any way to know that. No onscreen ID, no verbal intro, nada. I had to Google Nichols to figure out who he was.

Meanwhile, AJE just didn’t advance the story. Where the other channels looked forward in their coverage, AJE seemed stuck in a time-warp. While other channels were making projections, the lower third on the AJE screen told us, “Economy top concern for voters.” No kidding.

On CNN, correspondents around the country interviewed top campaign officials; big-name political operatives, like Democratic consultant James Carville, parsed voter patterns in obscure corners of Ohio for their significance. The BBC roundtable explained developments in language the global audience could absorb. Meanwhile, AJE’s field reporters focused on yesterday’s news, endlessly asking McCain and Obama supporters why they voted for their candidate. Or the channel aired pre-cooked features on things like blacks in the U.S. struggling to get by. Been there, done that, guys; let’s move on.

Barnaby Phillips, one of AJE’s star correspondents, must have felt like screaming that at the executive producer – if there was one. Across the broadcast spectrum, the historic night pulsated with excitement. Other correspondents were shouting to make themselves heard over the roar of the crowd while poor Phillips stood all evening in front of some sort of government building in Columbus, Ohio, with nary a human being in sight. Boorrring. Actual exchange at 8:20 a.m. EST: “What’s happening, Barnaby?” “Not much…”

At times, it all had the feel of a Jerry Lewis Telethon. The low point came when Foster urged viewers to e-mail their friends in the U.S. to tell them to watch online. Memo to staff: Don’t beg.

With the exception of the anchor Fakhry and a few two-ways with Latin America correspondent Lucia Newman in Miami, the team was largely white, male, and British or American. A woman reporter with Goldilocks hair and an Eastern European accent, who I can only guess must have been an intern to whom they tossed a mike, did make a brief appearance from Chicago early in the evening, but she then disappeared. Another woman with an indeterminate accent and breathless Gee-whiz-I’m-covering-the-election delivery popped in occasionally from Phoenix (who are these people?). But they were bit players in an Anglo-dominated cast.

My viewing companions—media professionals all—and I frequently found ourselves cringing in sympathetic embarrassment. At 7:05 p.m. EST, AJE rolled out a “Breaking News” graphic and we waited on the edge of our seats for a major development, only to be told by anchor Foster that it was “too early to call” Virginia. That’s breaking news? Moments later, they cut to Doha, where Santamaria parroted the catchphrase “the world is watching” as he stood in front of the video wall projecting a variety of generic “international” scenes. Unfortunately, several of those monitors contained nothing but color bars.

Technology aside, the most disappointing aspect of the coverage was that AJE did not play to its strengths. For the most part, we didn’t see “the world watching.” Where were those “global voices?” Where was that multinational corps of correspondents around the world? Having live correspondent whip-arounds may be a contrived device, but it does make good TV – and would have emphasized AJE’s supposed global perspective.
Why no roundtable of foreign ambassadors or international editors providing analysis from Washington? What about a panel of former foreign ministers? Why no live shots from election-viewing parties in Harare and Katmandu or a few presidential palaces? No matter how knowledgeable, four or five individuals cannot carry twelve hours of coverage. It’s unfair to them and to us.

At very least, why weren’t the overseas broadcast centers leveraged? London and Malaysia were AWOL. Instead of live interviews with global newsmakers, we got three quick, canned sound bites – “World Leaders Comment” – from former (not even current) Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed, former (not even current) UN Human Rights Commissioner Mary Robinson, and some guy from the “Re-Liberating Front” of Somalia (when was Somalia liberated in the first place?). They were recycled several times and looked like a product of the promotions department.

There were a couple of efforts that worked: a rooftop interview with experts in Beijing and a conversation with Afghan political figures in Kabul after the Obama victory was confirmed were effective, even if the Kabul segment looked like it was coming from a carpet shop (a conversation with the same group earlier in the evening had been mired in internal Afghan politics and way off the mark). A high point was a two-way with Bob Fisk, the Beirut-based correspondent for The Independent, who gave a no-BS assessment of what an Obama victory meant for the Middle East. Where was that same analysis from New Delhi, Jakarta, Moscow, and Buenos Aires?

Meanwhile, why weren’t the channel’s marquee names, like Riz Khan and David Frost, integrated into the special? Instead of recycling a four-day-old edition of Listening Post in the half hour before the polls started closing, why wasn’t Richard Gizbert on the set doing real-time analysis of how other media around the world were covering the election? Why wasn’t the host of Street Food watching events from the Seattle fish market? Etc., etc., etc. A little imagination would have gone a long way.

Instead, as one of our Arab students who watched coverage on both Al Jazeera English and Al Jazeera Arabic, which carried its own extensive broadcast of the election, put it: “That wasn’t Al-Jazeera. That was embarrassing.”

More For Everyone

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You've probably read (or seen) the newspaper scarcity reports. (Who says print's dead?)

From the San Diego Union-Tribune:

Due to the overwhelming demand from last night's historic election, the Union-Tribune is printing additional newspapers today. Copies will be available early this afternoon at locations such as 7-11, Circle K, AM/PM as well as the front lobby at the Union-Tribune's Mission Valley office.

How nice.

The Mandate Mantra

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A comfortable Democratic margin of victory, coupled with gains in the House and Senate, and the word “mandate” is on everyone’s lips. (A full round-up of MandateGate is available at New York’s Web site.)

Per CBS News today:

As far as epochal moments of a nation are concerned, the election of Barack Obama to be the forty-fourth President of the United States is virtually certain to rank near the very top. While the historical, sociological and political meaning of campaign 2008 will be written about and analyzed for a generation or more, the immediate impact of the election results is this: A sweeping mandate for Obama’s campaign mantra of change.

The word “mandate,” used derisively by conservatives and optimistically by Democrats, implies that the electorate, by voting for Obama, has given him full authority to enact the agenda he articulated during the campaign. The map has been redrawn, racial barriers eliminates, the states united at last, right?

Well, maybe. While it’s tempting, the day after the election, to sing sweet songs of unity, it’s worth pointing out that we don’t actually have a full and nuanced explanation of why Obama was elected. Was it because of his charisma? McCain’s bungling of the economy questions, and/or his choice of Sarah Palin? The current president’s low approval ratings? The economy? Did many Republicans cast a vote against McCain, but not necessarily for Obama?

There isn’t, and probably won’t be, clear data to substantiate the reasons behind Obama’s victory. And so, while we can reflect on America as a country that’s elected a new president in a historic election, we probably can’t proclaim America a new country. We’ve had an election, not a rebirth. To seize the narrative of a new America is to ignore the many real problems still facing this country, and to forget that inequality still exists.

What’s more, even if we accept the premise for argument’s sake, a mandate given by a unified electorate does not equal carte blanche. In order to enact legislation, Obama will have to work with conservative Democrats in the Senate, whose support is not guaranteed for many of his proposals.

Talk of a mandate allows for several assumptions: that reform is inevitable, that Obama will coast through his term like he coasted to victory, and that conditions in America will improve just by virtue of his election. But these assumptions are false. After this election, the relationship between White House and the press corps has a clean slate. The last eight years have illustrated what can happen when the media dislike a president who shuts off press access. The next four years may show what could happen if the media cover a president they like, but still are tough on him, and hold him accountable for his words and actions.

The real mandate here is on the press, weary after a long campaign. Perhaps they were “in the tank” for Obama, like the rest of the country. Maybe not. Whatever the case, they’ve got a president-elect who has primed the nation’s hope organ. It’s up to the press to keep him accountable to the people who elected him.

The mythology of Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson got a helping hand recently from a spate of magazine cover stories unwilling to fundamentally criticize the man they present as our last best hope. The Great Man Theory may be out of favor in history departments, but not, alas, in the pages of the business press.

Exhibit A:











"No Column Today"

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Instead, in Le Monde, this.

In part:

The first worldwide good news since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 needs more than a pirouette or an amused wink. At this moment - but for how long ? - we can say with far more conviction than on 11 September 2001 : we are all Americans.

An Offer We Can't Refuse?

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Yesterday morning after voting in Wasilla, Gov. Palin expressed a desire "to help improve" journalism because of her "great respect" for the field.

And last night, from the Biltmore Hotel in Phoenix, Palin again offered to help. Fox News showed footage this morning of Palin saying:

I have such great respect for the role of the media in our democracy. It is a cornerstone, it allows checks and balances, but only when there is fairness and objectivity in the reporting. I want to make sure that Americans can have great faith in that aspect of our society, the media. So whatever I can do there to help and to be able to allow credence to be given to the media, I want to help in that respect…As a journalist, having received a journalism degree, that is my foundation is great respect for what the vocation is all about.

Fox News's Martha MacCallum reacted with:

I am thinking maybe she wants my job --or maybe a better job-- in journalism...

(I was thinking the same thing!)

How We Talked About It

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In his concession speech last night, John McCain emphasized the significance of his opponent’s presidential victory by invoking a different black man’s trip to the White House:

A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt’s invitation of Booker T. Washington to visit—to dine at the White House was taken as an outrage in many quarters. America today is a world away from the cruel and prideful bigotry of that time. There is no better evidence of this than the election of an African American to the presidency of the United States. Let there be no reason now for any American to fail to cherish their citizenship in this, the greatest nation on Earth.”

He added, “Senator Obama has achieved a great thing for himself and for his country.” It was a gracious speech. Yet it framed Obama’s victory not as a referendum on the times—what Keith Olbermann (surprisingly poetically) called the small print of this election—but as a racial victory.

The New York Times echoed McCain’s words, leading with the early headline: “Obama: Racial Barrier Falls In Heavy Turnout.” It was a carefully chosen, statement-making title, compared to The Washington Post’s “Obama sweeps to victory in history-making campaign” or the Los Angeles Times’s “Obama wins: First African American in Highest U.S. Office.” The NYT headline says it all, and says it significantly, by trumpeting not the fact of the victory (as the LAT does) but what the fact means: the election was a milestone for racial equality, in some ways the apotheosis of Hillary Clinton’s statement about eighteen million cracks in the glass ceiling.

Which was the more fitting headline? Late last night, I was prepared to say that the LAT had the more sober (and welcome) headline at a moment when it seemed easy to succumb to the drama of history unfolding. The NYT choice still seems a bit presumptuous, but I laud the paper’s willingness to go the extra step and characterize the victory as what it should mean—even if its black-and-white assessment of a fallen barrier leaves little room for the innumerable shades of gray that remain.

“What a country,” Bill Bennett remarked on CNN last night. The reactions from commentators who watched as exit polls put Obama firmly past 270 electoral votes—at times reporting history in groping terms—showed less the ideological slant of the individuals or networks, and more the split underscored by the two headlines above: those that dwelt on the historic fact-at-hand of a black man reaching the White House, and those that, sometimes awkwardly, tried to characterize that achievement in one way or another.

In the first camp was Congressman John Lewis: “This is a day of thanksgiving, a night of celebration,” he said on MSNBC. Minutes later, a powerful image appeared: Jesse Jackson, tears streaming down his face as he stood in the crowd at Chicago’s Grant Park. Many CNN analysts sought to describe the night in comparably simple, overarching terms. James Carville said, “It’s just hard to overestimate the significance of this event,” while the network’s other commentators—from Alex Castellanos to Jeffrey Toobin—bandied about the word “transformational.” Gloria Borger freely admitted: “I think only the least gracious among us – no matter what your political philosophy – would say that this isn’t a watershed moment for America.”

Similarly, Time.com this morning has an essay by T.D. Jakes, who notes the small steps to Washington by minorities in the “scarce representation of a few Senators,” but adds: “The African slaves who provided most of the labor that built the White House never imagined that a black man would ever own embossed stationery that read ‘1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.’” It’s a statement of how far we’ve come, but it’s also a statement of what everyone freely acknowledges changed last night. Thomas Friedman, meanwhile, euphorically writes in today’s NYT that “we awake this morning to a different country” and, sweeping with the broad strokes of what must stem from an electoral hangover, that “the Civil War could never truly be said to have ended until America’s white majority actually elected an African-American as president.” “This moment was necessary,” he writes with what is no doubt heartfelt, if unoriginal, conviction.

(The flip side of this coin—proclamations of a milestone achieved—is illustrated in a comment that Megan McArdle, Twittering for The Atlantic last night, noted came from a Virginia woman interviewed by the BBC who was (McArdle’s Twittered paraphrase) “glad the battle btwn black & white, slave & slave owner [is] finally over.” We’d almost prefer not to verify this comment.)

But there were others that tried to avoid open-shut rhetoric on race, what, in a recent Washington Post column, Roger Cohen insisted on calling a “post-racial America” that Obama “is generationally primed to lead.” These efforts were more like the NYT’s “race barrier falls” headline: a characterization of last night’s results, to varying effect.

For instance, on FOX last night, Nina Easton made the somewhat incredible assertion that it behooved everyone to remember that Obama was, after all, half-white, which came across in bad taste, but which in later days—at the very least in race theory and sociology courses—will indubitably be discussed. Eugene Robinson, on MSNBC, made the astute comment (h/t Atlantic) that having a black First Family "will do things to the gray matter inside our heads that I'm not sure we can fully comprehend,” which was a speculative nod towards those that are agnostic about racial symbolism—we don’t know until we see. At Commentary, John Podhoretz wrote: “Obama’s ascension to the White House, if it does nothing else, may at last bring down the curtain on race hucksters like Sharpton, whose power has always been rooted in the political alienation of inner-city blacks.” It was a more nuanced—if more sharply worded—take on Cohen’s glossy post-racialism argument, and powerful to read while watching Rev. Jackson’s tears on the TV screen.

David Kurtz, reporting from Grant Park for Talking Points Memo TV, took a worthy, if jumbled and emotional, stab at unpacking the night’s symbolism:

I don’t in any way want to downplay the historic nature of the experience tonight…[Standing with mostly African Americans, laymen and media] their pride and emotion, it was hard for them to describe to me… it was for them a moment of great pride not just in a black man being elected and not just in all that the African American community has endured up to this point, but as one gentleman told me, it was the way that he won, and the kind of coalition that he put together…a rainbow in the truest sense. And so it’s not an easy analysis of simply the first black president elected or simply the first Democrat in eight years.

Kurtz also noted that on the field and in Obama’s speech there was less of a sense of “slaying the dragon” and more of a sense of shouldering a responsibility. The field report was a commendable attempt to flesh out—without chucking the prevailing air of triumphalism all around him—the ways in which the victory mattered.

MSNBC’s Keith Olbermann, meanwhile, invoked Walter Cronkite, who stumbled monosyllabically as he reported Neil Armstrong’s moon-landing in 1969. Discussing Obama’s victory, Olbermann said, in what was a surprisingly apt summation:

Politically, that’s what it is. This is ‘man on the moon’…in terms of how we interrelate, and also in a smaller subset of this political story—this perfect storm forming for several years in this country, coming to a fulmination [culmination?] in this election. These two things—one in giant letters to be written, and one in slightly smaller letters, but still very important ones, coming together in one night. It’s two separate tracks of history almost, obviously interconnected, but either one of them by themselves would be huge, monumental, earth-shattering history.

Colored though it was by his broadcast’s partisan slant, Olbermann’s firm distinction between the dual racial and ideological symbolisms of Obama’s victory made for smart commentary on a night when many commentators turned to safe iterations of the moment’s historic nature.

Colin Powell’s interview with CNN this morning was in some ways the bridge between the two modes of analysis; between the “First African-American in Highest U.S. Office” and the “Racial Barrier Falls” headlines; between announcing history made and imbuing that announcement with some greater meaning (however roughly, crudely, or simply). Powell’s comments, predictable in many ways, nonetheless fluctuated between quiet jubilation and resistance to the Big Day For Race In America narrative. After admitting that he and his family cried upon hearing the news, Powell said: “President-elect Obama didn’t put himself forward as an African American president. He put himself forward as an American who happened to be black… That ought to come after the title.”

“You have to take enormous pride in the fact that we were able to do this,” he continued. And then, from someone who understands the significance of symbolism, he offered a reminder that barriers are as real as they are symbolic: “Right now it’s economics. The American people voted in this election to have something done about our economic situation.”

We Shoulda Seen It Coming

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Like the day-long debauch preceding the two-minute race in the Kentucky Derby, the Campaign of 2008 bloated out of all proportion to its supposed object. Gaffes. Analysis. How It Plays in the Red States. Arugulagate. Farfallegate. Two years of this, folks. How much of it mattered?

Maybe none. The Washington Post yesterday, ushering in a post-campaign age that has probably ended already, asked the question cable pundits dare not: “What if all the hubbub, the $2.4 billion spent, was a waste of time and money? Maybe the outcome was predictable in August - or even earlier.”

One guy who did so predict was Alan Abramowitz, an Emory political science professor who has picked the winner in every presidential general election since 1952 – except 2000. Abramowitz's formula doesn’t factor in campaigns at all. Explains the Post's Robert G. Kaiser:

Abramowitz's formula for predicting elections combines three factors: how long the incumbent party has been in power, how highly the incumbent president is rated by the public, and how well the U.S. economy did in the second quarter of the election year. Its one novel element is Abramowitz's conviction that the natural pendulum of politics produces a "time for a change" factor that becomes influential as soon as a party has had two terms in the White House.

Abramowitz argues that campaigns make a difference only “at the margins,” which is why he got tripped up in 2000, when the margins asserted themselves.

This points to another battle raging in the background of the campaign–the clash between journalism and empiricism:

The political scientists look for patterns over time, and journalists hunt and hope for news. The two groups have, says [Princeton political scientist Larry] Bartels, a "fundamental conflict of interest." The professors' incentive "is to assume and convince people that in some relevant way, this year will be the same as past years have been. So we want to downplay the idiosyncratic elements of this year. Journalists' big professional incentive is to make people think that what happens today is really consequential, and 'Hey, you have to get up in the morning and read The Washington Post to see what is important.'"

Or as an Economist staffer liveblogged it: “I’m not saying this race was predictable but… well, that is what I’m saying.”

Gone to the Dogs

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The Obamas are getting a puppy.

And already, the questions are flying.

Obama made the announcement during his victory speech last night, saying, "Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House," but surprisingly "he did not go into details about a name or breed for the new White House pet."

But, astute reporters may recall that, "During the election campaign, his wife Michelle announced on TV's Entertainment Tonight they would adopt a rescued dog," as Australia's Herald Sun found in its archives.

No doubt this choice will be closely watched to see if Barack Hussein Obama choses an Afghan Hound (secret Muslim), a Tibetan Terrier (tough on China), or a Brussels Griffon (admitted Socialist).

Ninety Minutes of What?

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In 2000 and 2004, through flukish intersections of electoral demographics and the electoral college, the fate of the presidency rested, interminably, with two big, slow, and ideologically divided states.

It wasn’t hard to see that, barring a disaster for Barack Obama, things would be different this year. To attain 270 electoral votes, John McCain hoped for an unlikely upset in Democratic-leaning Pennsylvania, where polls would close at the early hour of 8:00 PM. Voting would end in Indiana and Virginia, recently red states now practicing their purple, by 7:00 PM. All the rest of the largest swing states were in the east. In short, we’d know most of what we needed to know very early.

Pennsylvania, which MSNBC called for Obama as soon as polls closed at 8:00, was the first big tick towards 270. New Hampshire closed at the same time, and was called instantly by most organizations. New Mexico trickled in, and Ohio was widely called sometime before 9:30. Obama was now at 200.

But before officially projecting that Barack Obama would be the forty-fourth president, the networks, it seems, wanted to see 270 electoral votes, from states with closed polls, in his tally. That, of course, required the networks to play cute with the near certain arrival, at 11:00 PM, of seventy-seven electoral votes from California, Hawaii, Oregon, and Washington—and it required them to downplay the fact that, as soon as Obama cleared 193 electoral votes elsewhere, no matter how early, the night was as good as done.

And so, for ninety minutes, that left everybody at the networks, and many watching at home, knowing that Obama would be president-elect—a fact that the networks felt they couldn’t out and out declare until 11 PM.

Luckily for the fodder hungry producers behind the broadcasts, there were enough close Senate contests, and unsettled swing states, to more or less fill the air. But every time the focus turned to a remaining close race for a state’s electoral votes, viewers could be forgiven for not grasping how irrelevant its votes would be, and how nonexistient McCain’s chances were to become the next president, given the western tallies about to come his way.

Some commentators found creative ways to hint at the inevitable outcome. On CNN, John King said “I’d bet my life” that McCain wouldn’t win the west coast, and proceeded to redden every interior state on his magic map. This showed that there wasn’t a path for McCain to reach 270. But wouldn’t it have been much, much simpler to click the Pacific states blue, point out that the resulting Obama number broke 270, and say something like “it seems inevitable that Obama will have enough states in his column by 11 PM to be declared the President-elect”?

Around 9:25, after his network called Ohio for Obama, MSNBC’s Joe Scarborough proffered this explanation of the situation:

The thread has broken. If somebody wants to tell me where … McCain can pick up Ohio's electoral votes I'd like to know, the twenty electoral votes. Maybe he'll win Washington, Oregon and Hawaii, but I doubt it. I'm kidding!

And, again, we don't want to call it.

This scenario was so fanciful that Scarborough had to admit he was joking—and yet he reflexively reached for that just-can’t-call-it-yet tune.

CBS, which had told The New York Times that it planned to signal, though not declare, a winner as soon as was mathematically possible, took a very direct tack, one that clearly explained the facts on the ground to their viewers:

KATIE COURIC: Let's take a look at the national map because it looks like more and more difficult if not downright impossible for John McCain to catch up at this point.

JEFF GREENFIELD: Impossible is a good word. There are seventy-seven electoral votes that we’ve mentioned that aren't even contested from California, Oregon, Washington and Hawaii. those will put him well over the top. Those wins in Pennsylvania and Ohio along with Iowa and New Mexico absolutely clinch the deal.

BOB SCHIEFFER: I mean, Barack Obama is going to be the next President of the United States. I mean, the numbers, you just can't figure out a way that John McCain can win now because, as Jeff says, when you look down the west coast there, there's seventy-seven electoral votes there.

Though this discussion took place at 10 PM, CBS, like everyone else, would wait to officially call the election for Obama until 11 PM, when polls closed.

But what’s the difference between saying that a McCain victory is “impossible” or that “Obama is going to be the next President of the United States” and making a “call”? Is it in whether the words pass through the anchor’s lips, rather than through those of the network’s chief political correspondent or its chief Washington correspondent? Is it that the pronouncement isn’t accompanied by a graphic or a trumpet?

There can be a fine line between cavalier prognostication and laying out the facts, and saving the final call for the relevant poll closing time was the right thing to do.

But in open and shut cases like last night, the networks should make it clear that the step is a mere formality, and not a matter of true suspense. In an age where more and more people watch returns with laptops by their sides, for networks to do otherwise is to risk looking like they’re engaging in double talk, ignoring the obvious, or playing a dramatic game with democracy. And that’s not how people want their news.

Comedy Central: Yes, We Can

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Among urgent post-election concerns, Politico explores, "Can The Daily Show Survive Barack Obama?"

With Obama’s victory, the country was about to change, and so too was the nature of the comedy.

For the past eight years, Stewart and Colbert have gorged themselves on the carcass of the Bush administration and the disintegrated Republican Party....

Said [Daily Show contributor John] Hodgman: “As much as the show is fake news, its soul is very sincere, borne of a desire that everyone shares, that we don’t want to be lied to. If there is a whiff of insincerity [from Obama or his administration], they will be taken to task.”

The AP, too, tackles the question of What Are Stewart (and Colbert) Supposed To Do Now?

The exit of the Bush administration, some have argued, will dwindle comedic fodder. But Tuesday night's show ended with Stewart rallying his correspondents and Colbert that their jobs would continue.

"There was a world out there before this election and there's still a world out there," Stewart said.


Afterward, Colbert, too, said the show would go on.


"It's like saying nighttime news will go out of business tomorrow," said a grinning Colbert. "Do you think that's gonna happen?"

CabinetStakes!

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This just in on MSNBC:

Republican Richard Lugar does not want to be secretary of state...

Come again? Was he asked? No matter! The speculation-fest that is CabinetStakes is well under way...

Bells and Whistles

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While the newspaper industry scrambles to “shore up” its economy with layoff after layoff, cable news seems to be doing just fine. “We’ve got so much money we don’t know what to do with it,” CNN, MSNBC, and Fox News seemed to admit as they trotted out their latest gizmos for the election night broadcast.

On top of CNN’s standard “Magic Wall” feature, Wolf Blitzer and company offered up the holographic interview, in which television viewers saw what looked like a face-to-face in-studio Q&A when, in fact, the interviewee was somewhere else entirely and his or her image was beamed into the studio. Or something like that. The process involves thirty-five high-definition cameras and some fancy computer image compositing. The gadget’s best and worst moment? When Anderson Cooper interviewed will.i.am of the Black Eyed Peas about his Obama’s speech mash-up song. The Magic Wall was also there in full glory, used to particularly poor effect when, after Ohio was called for Obama, John King tried to do some time-killing math to show how McCain could get to 270 by winning states that he obviously wouldn’t, and simultaneously avoided awarding to Obama California and other states that would put him over.

MSNBC’s team also had two aces under their sleeve. First, they were broadcasting from Rockefeller Center, where they had embedded a map of the U.S. under the ice of the skating rink. As the results were coming in, the plan went, the map would change, with certain states turning red or blue. Sounds cool, but it turned out to be an icy, slushy mess. Now, MSNBC also created a 3D “Virtual Studio,” that looks like a futuristic Greco-Roman building that, if you notice what you can “see” through the “windows” seems to float in the air, both in New York or Washington D.C.

Fox News was the least flashy, but most self-referential, with its “Launch Pad” gizmo that, like CNN’s Magic Wall, allowed anchor Megyn Kelly to manipulate data and maps on a touch screen.

So why did they do it? Did the networks assume that they could earn the highest ratings by out-technologizing one another? Or were the gadgets just safeguards, designed to delay the inevitable early night results? Many worried about how the networks would fill the hours on election night if the returns pointed to a clear and early victory for Obama. In part, the gizmos were there to distract viewers from the logical conclusion that Obama had won after Ohio was called; to keep them watching—not for analysis, but to see what kind of Star Trek technology was coming next.

But despite all the plugging, CNN only did a handful of holographic interviews, probably because lugging and setting up thirty-five cameras isn’t the easiest way to do journalism. And most of the holographic interviews centered on the theme of how weird it was thata holographic interview was being conducted. To wit:

Anderson Cooper: How is this night for you?

Will.i.am: Oh, this is great. We're on the eve of a brand new day in America, and it feels good being here in chicago, uh, all this technology, I'm being beamed to you like it's Star Wars and stuff.

Anderson Cooper: Yeah, it looks like... basically like... exactly like in, uh, in Star Trek, when they would beam people down. That's what it looks like right here.

Will.i.am: Yeah, but, yeah, but this is, it's, it's a beautiful time here...

It’s cool that technology now allows holographic interviews or virtual studios, but that doesn’t mean that these tools are the most effective, necessary, vital, dynamic, or interesting ways of delivering information. All this is not to say that some technology isn’t put to good use. The instantly updated maps and the ability to work out hypothetical situations are both and something that some viewers would probably be figuring out with paper and pencil if the networks weren’t. Also, the maps’ capability to show county-by-county results and tallies in any given state offers a lot of nuance beyond the electoral college math. And, information presented visually does help viewers understand the story more fully.

But holograms and ice-skating rinks go too far. Election night wasn’t the first time networks flexed their technological muscles, and it certainly won’t be the last. Here’s hoping that, in the future, the networks forego flash for substance.

BBC has collected official reactions of assorted world leaders (spokespeople, associates, etc.) to Barack Obama's victory, including Pres. Bush's, "What an awesome night for you..."

While the President of Kenya, Mwai Kibaki, is:

confident that your presidency shall herald a new chapter of dialogue between the American people and the world at large.

The spokesman for the Sudanese Foreign Ministry is...less confident.

We don't expect any change through our previous experience with the Democrats. When it comes to foreign policy there is no difference between the Republicans and the Democrats.

Some cautious optimism from Russia's Deputy Foreign Minister, Grigory Karasin:

The news we are receiving on the results of the American presidential election shows that everyone has the right to hope for a freshening of US approaches to all the most complex issues, including foreign policy and therefore relations with the Russian Federation as well.

More cautious optimism from an aide to Iran's Ayatollah Ali Khamenei:

The president-elect has promised changes in policies. There is a capacity for the improvement of ties between America and Iran if Obama pursues his campaign promises, including not confronting other countries as Bush did in Iraq and Afghanistan, and also concentrating on America's state matters and removing the American people's concerns.

And, from an adviser to Iraq's prime minister:

The American people have presented a tremendous example to the world by ignoring racist attitudes - and this is an unprecedented example of democracy.

Barack In Banner

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Below, a selection of today's front pages:












































Audit Roundup: Obamanomics

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Bloomberg, better than the Journal, Times, or Post, looks ahead to the economic change likely under an Obama administration.

The Democratic president-elect has much more on his agenda, amounting to what may be the broadest overhaul of the U.S. economy since Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. Beyond job creation and big investments in public works, Obama intends to shift the tax burden back toward the wealthy, roll back a quarter-century of deregulation, extend health-care coverage to all Americans and reassess the U.S. government's pursuit of free- trade deals.

``The changes will be far greater than many expect,'' said Andrew Laperriere, managing director at International Strategy & Investment Group, a money management and research firm in Washington. ``From taxes to energy to health care, it's a pretty sweeping agenda.''

But the Journal is good in looking at the “cooler climate” Big Business is expecting from Obama.

Now? "The Hard Part"

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"Analysis: For Obama, now comes the hard part," Associated Press

"For Obama, now comes the hart part," CBS News

"No Time for Laurels; Now the Hart Part," New York Times

"Now: The hard part," (Detroit) Metro Times

"Now comes the hard part," McClatchy Newspapers

"Now comes the hard part," Seattle Post-Intelligencer

"Now, the hard part," Staten Island (NY) Advance

Among others...

Lipstick on a Pig

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Marc Ambinder offered this "thought" at around 8:30 this morning:

In order of likelihood:

1. Obama wins the popular vote and electoral vote, either by large or small margins


2. McCain wins the electoral vote and loses the popular vote.


3. McCain wins the popular vote and the electoral vote.

I won't assign probabilities to them; I'm enough of a believer in the non-linear effects of improbable events to keep an open mind.

Now, I like Ambinder's blog. But this is the most obvious regurgitation of every single possibility of what could happen tonight, gussied up with a list and a verbose conclusion. Words disguised as thought.

Coal’s Curtain Call

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This morning, my colleague Liz Cox Barrett posted a brief comment about Kevin Drum’s argument that the press has “ignored” the presidential candidates’ cap-and-trade plans.

Drum’s explanation is that the candidates haven’t been “attacking each other” on their plans to put mandatory limits on the carbon dioxide emissions that lead to global warming. While that is certainly true, there is also another factor at play. In a recent column about the energy beat’s novel importance in this race, I noted that, “As the campaign wore on, the candidates became loath to mention cap-and-trade, with its implication of cost, and shifted to talk of investment in renewable energy, with its connotation of growth and ‘green jobs.’” There have been plenty of attacks between the candidates on their respective proposals to promote individual energy sources (usually in the name of American independence from foreign oil), and that includes a conspicuous amount of attention paid to conventional fossil fuels.

Energy-wise, the last few days of this monumental campaign focused on coal, the United States’ cheapest, but dirtiest power source. At his New York Times Dot Earth blog, Andrew Revkin had an interesting recap yesterday of the McCain campaign’s last-minute attempt to criticize Barack Obama based on a comment that the Illinois senator had made to the editorial board of the San Francisco Chronicle last January (video of that meeting included). Referring to cap-and-trade, Obama told the board, "So if somebody wants to build a coal-powered plant, they can; it's just that it will bankrupt them because they're going to be charged a huge sum for all that greenhouse gas that's being emitted."

Even Climate Progress’s Joe Romm, an ardent Obama supporter when it comes to energy and the environment, wrote that it was an “inartful choice of words.” Indeed, the McCain camp and media outlets like Drudge Report have attempted to spin the comment as proof that Obama is actually striving to pull the rug out from under the coal industry. Of course, that is not true.

In his Dot Earth post, Revkin linked to a well-done article by The Raw Story, an online news outlet, from yesterday. The piece, by Nick Juliano, reported that the United Mine Workers of America, which endorses Obama, came to the senator’s defense on Monday, saying that the McCain campaign’s attempt to spin the coal quote was a “twisting of the truth.” The Washington Post also picked up on McCain’s last-minute effort to claim the mantle of “coal booster,” writing that, “the candidate who once spoke repeatedly of the need to curb climate change now devotes his speeches to touting the need to boost oil and coal production, two of the biggest contributors to global warming, while campaigning in those coal-producing states.”

While the Post is correct that John McCain has emphasized fossil fuels production (not to mention nuclear) much more than Obama has during this race, there is some evidence that when it comes to coal, Obama is the “booster.” The Associated Press had an article late last week about McCain’s desire to ban mountaintop removal coal mining; Obama expresses “serious concerns” about the practice, but has “stopped short” of calling for a ban. The article had some nice details, such as mentioning the fact that, “The president names top officials at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement and U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, all three of which play crucial regulatory roles in the coal industry.” Ultimately, however, it’s best line is the simple conclusion that “The next president's role in shaping the nation's energy policy is not lost on anyone.”

That’s certainly true of the coal industry. Last Friday, the AP had another very well conceived article about the president and what’s left of FutureGen, the vaunted plan for a carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) demonstration plant that the Department of Energy killed last winter. I have, on a number of occasions, criticized he press for not paying more attention to CCS technology given that both presidents have promised Americans that it will play a big part in their energy future. As it turns out, FutureGen is not completely dead, but group’s chief executive told the AP, "We're awaiting the change of administration, I'll put it that way."

The next president’s plan for CCS is a story that journalists must urgently explore in the weeks after the election, but there are many other energy-related matters to attend to as well. Eventually, and perhaps quickly, cap-and-trade will resurface, especially as the United Nations-sponsored climate talks in Poland (part of a process designed to produce a successor to the Kyoto Protocol) draw closer.

Whatever happens, tomorrow is likely the start of a new era in energy policy for the United States. And the reporting the follows with it, in the week and months to come, is going to be even more important. Journalists won’t have to worry about two candidates’ willingness to attack each other on the issue and rhetoric must be dispensed with. To repeat: The next president's role in shaping the nation's energy policy – and, I would add, the importance of that policy — is not lost on anyone.

Wordtrain, Daisychain

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"What One Word Describes Your Current State of Mind?" The New York Times asks, via an Election Wordtrain that operates rather like a word cloud. Readers can type in or select a word that describes how they feel, and identify themselves as Obama or McCain supporters, or "Neither." (Downside: you can only submit one word an hour, so choose well.)

You can then play around and see which words were submitted by Obama supporters, and which by McCain supporters. The bigger, darker words at the top are the most popular selections, while the smaller, faded words below apparently had less clickable clout. The blue-red distinctions, meanwhile, reminded this user of a two-tone mood ring.

Of course, the top words--"hopeful" and "anxious" are two--are the same regardless of whether you're looking at Obama or McCain supporters' selections. You know what they say: it takes a Wordtrain to bring people together.

Relative Reports

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The Times of London reports on how Barack Obama's half-brother, Abongo Obama, and other relatives in Kenya are preparing for election results:

Abongo, sitting in front of the tin-roofed shack that once belonged to Obama’s father, a government economist who died in a car accident more than two decades ago, said dozens of family members had congregated for a historic event.

“The reason we are here is that we are looking forward to a great day to celebrate,” he said, rubbishing any suggestion that Mr McCain might win. “We are not considering that possibility. I am not.” he said confidently, as a cock crowed in the shade of a mango tree.

Also more or less rubbishing any suggestion that Mr. McCain might win? McCain's 96-year-old Aunt Rowena who tells The Daily Beast (and she's quoting McCain's mom):

"She really doesn't care," Willis said of her 96-year old twin sister, who has campaigned for her son and recorded TV ads with him. “‘Let these bastards get in,’ she says, ‘I don't give a damn anymore. If these people want to buy votes and get their people in office, let them suffer for it in the way of high taxes.’”

Does Calling Count?

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As poll close draws near, and Obama seems positioned to win in enough early-closing states to block McCain's path to the White House before things get late, it's worth looking at the obvious question: does calling an election before all the votes have been cast have an effect on states where polls are still open?

This is a hard question to answer. A quick search of the literature brings an article by Seymour Sudman, in the Autumn 1986 issue of The Public Opinion Quarterly. After critiquing a variety of studies that attempted to find a West Coast lag in 1980 and 1984, Sudman concludes:

As with so many other interesting real-world events, measuring the exact effect of one thing, the exit polls, and controlling for everything else becomes very tricky. Based on a consensus of the data, there is a possibility of a small decrease ranging from 1 to 5 percent in total vote in congressional districts where polls close significantly later than 8 PM EST in those elections where the exit polls suggest a clear winner when previously the race had been considered close. No more precise estimate is possible with the data available.

Obama Snubs Foreign Press

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Apart, perhaps, from the unusually mild weather, nothing seemed out of the ordinary this morning when Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago made his round past the various international media outlets that had set up shop in Millennium Park.

The Bean reflected and deformed the compact Mayor and the crowds that flocked around him; Chicagoans passing by asked him for photographs, and he posed patiently; the radio and television correspondents that had been granted an interview asked all the predictable questions – “Is Chicago ready for this event?” “What’s the significance of this event?”; Daley’s answers were similarly predictable, if perhaps somewhat presumptuous –“This is an event to celebrate [Sen. Barack Obama’s] victory,” he said: “And that’s a very significant thing; people want to be part of history.”

But, as a Swiss television reporter pointed out, the European media would like to be “part of history” too, and, right now, they weren’t. Because, hold on a minute—Millennium Park? Wasn’t the Obama rally going to be in Grant Park? Then what were all these foreign broadcasters doing here, in the shade of the Bean? Shouldn’t they be out at the five-story riser set up across from the stage where Obama will be speaking this evening—and where the crowds are expected to be?

They should. And they would—if they could.

Bill Dunlop is president and CEO of Eurovision Americas Inc, the American branch of the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), the largest association of national broadcasters in the world. According to Dunlop, foreign media interest in this election day is unprecedented.
“All major television networks in European countries are hosting special overnight election programs”, Mr. Dunlop said, adding that “the entire European press corps” is in the United States right now, with correspondents in Washington, Phoenix, and Chicago. Overall, EBU operates sixty-eight fiber circuits between the United States and Europe to carry their broadcasts, compared to only twenty-five on 2004’s election night. Forty-five EBU members—all the major public television networks from Germany, Italy, Spain, and France, as well as “most of Eastern Europe, and the Russians”, have correspondents reporting from Chicago tonight, and they rotate on EBU’s seven stand-up positions in order to give audiences back home a live impression of what’s happening in Grant Park—except that they are not exactly in Grant Park.

“We applied for eight positions on the riser,” which holds eighty positions in total, at $1000 per spot, Dunlop said, “and we were told by the Obama campaign last Thursday, five days before the event, that we were given only one. Obviously we cannot possibly rotate forty-five correspondents on one position.”

Pleas to the Obama campaign about “the huge interest of European audiences” in tonight’s event “all fell on deaf ears”, Dunlop said. The result: EBU is now broadcasting from Millennium Park, far away from tonight’s action and excitement. (Said Dunlop: “The Obama campaign has underestimated the huge interest in the event.” He added that EBU had applied for four positions at the McCain rally in Phoenix, and was assigned the requisite number—even though the McCain event is hosted inside a hotel ballroom, as opposed to the much larger scale Obama event outside.) The Obama campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

The city of Chicago, meanwhile, proved of little help, declining the EBU’s request for a spot nearer Grant Park. When asked, by that same Swiss reporter, how Mayor Daley could “explain such a disaster” (the disaster being that “the European media are outside, unable to report on the biggest event in recent history”), the mayor raised his hands in a “I-didn’t-do-it” manner and replied: “Secret Service! Secret Service!”

“The US Secret Service does all the credentials of all the media. I have nothing to do with it. I don’t handle PR, that’s not my job,” Daley said.

Not his job—and not his problem either. “I love my city, we are very proud, and we welcome you to our city,” he told the disgruntled reporter; and therefore, he wished not to be pestered about such trivialities as a broadcast location. “You should be happy you’re here”, the mayor said—upon which he excused himself, and all but disappeared into the glaring sun.

"Thanks, but no thanks"

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From CNN's report on Palin's time in Wasilla this morning.

Asked if she had any regrets about the campaign, Palin bemoaned “the state of journalism today.”

“The blogosphere, the two, three hour news cycles, where just too much is reported based on gossip and innuendo and things taken out of context,” she explained, adding that she’d like to help improve the profession because she has “great respect for the world of journalism.”

Last Dance

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McCain's closing campaign song seems to be "Here I Go Again" by Whitesnake, the 80's power-balladeers. I can't embed the video below, but if you like click over to YouTube for some truly amazing hair, guitar moves, and ear-biting. (Bonus points if you spot the wardrobe malfunction, as helpfully flagged by the commenters.)

I'd love to hear Howard Wolfson's thoughts on this. In today's New York Times the ex-Hillary spokesman and noted music fan recounts the ludicrous fallout that ensued after her 2000 Senate campaign played Billy Joel's "Captain Jack," drug references and all, at an early event. That kerfuffle set the stage for a hidebound song choosing presidential campaign bureaucracy that ultimately settled on a treacly Celine Dion cut.

Too bad Olbermann is not in charge of his own show tonight. If he were, I'd bet Whitesnake would get the attention they deserve.

Baucus Watch

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Sen. Max Baucus holds the keys to health reform. He’s chairman of the Senate Finance Committee; any health care legislation must pass through his committee So what he says or doesn’t say is important for those following the twists and turns that bills will take. This is the first of an occasional series of posts that will report on the senator’s health care pronouncements, as reported by the media in his own state and by the national press. We hope both will keep an eye on what he and his committee are up to. And, from time to time, we may offer a few questions to ask.

Sen. Max Baucus, D-Montana, spent the month of October traveling around his state listening to what his constituents have to say about health care. Lee Newspapers reports that some doctors say we need more primary care physicians; a kids’ dentist says that poor children in the state are going without dental check-ups; a woman from Helena says she wants to buy healthy foods and get preventive care, but can’t afford them. From the Great Falls Tribune, a reporter tells us that a doc at a community health clinic finds that such clinics are “sort of the finger plug in the dam,” adding that “we need some kind of universal health care program. I don’t care how we get there, but we need it.”

More interesting than what the people of Montana have to say is how Baucus responded. Refusing to tip his hand, Baucus said that it didn’t matter which proposal the candidates support, as he is withholding judgment on competing plans for now. He did say that “nothing should be off the table,” but he won’t support a single-payer system—universal health insurance where all citizens have coverage and get medical care as a matter of right. “We are Americans,” the senator said. “We’re different from Canada, we’re different from the United Kingdom.” No kidding! But how are Americans’ health problems different from those of citizens in other countries? A good opportunity for a follow-up question here next time Baucus pushes that line.

“We have to come up with a uniquely American solution, probably a combination of private and public coverage,” he said. That sounds like the insurance trade association, America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), talking. AHIP has launched the Campaign for an American Solution, which it bills as an effort “to build support for workable health care reform based on core principles supported by the American people: coverage, affordability, quality, value, choice, and portability.” AHIP’s campaign has been conducting a listening tour as well, stopping in places like Detroit, Columbus, and Salt Lake City to hear what the grassroots has to say about health care. According to Opensecrets.org, insurance interests have been large contributors to Baucus’s election campaigns.

The Lee Newspapers story, which ran in the Missoula, Butte, and Helena papers, did offer a clue to what might really happen next year. Although Baucus said he would work with the next president to fix health care, he said it might take “incremental” steps to reform the system. Next follow-up question: Just which increment does he want to tackle first? The story didn’t say, but noted that Baucus said he was still committed to finding a “durable, overarching…all-encompassing solution where all Americans are participating together.” How’s that for flowery, empty language that would have George Orwell spinning in his grave?

Two constituents did point out that 150,000 people in Montana do not have access to primary care doctors, and that too many young children whose parents are poor have badly infected teeth, because dentists won’t accept payment from Medicaid. Perhaps Montanans would like to know how their senator and his committee would address those problems, which also plague other states. But perhaps that’s fodder for another Baucus Watch.

Live Blogging Election Night

CJR staffers will be live blogging tonight's election coverage in the comments section of this post. All are welcome to follow along and participate.

"Tequila!" And Other Sign-Offs

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Per Time's Karen Tumulty:

I'm sure Steve Schmidt will see this as another sign of an in-the-tank press corps: On the flight from Chicago to Indianapolis, Obama autographed our credentials for tonight's rally.

UPDATE: Another last-day-of-camp ritual. Obama posed for group photos on the tarmac with reporters, the motorcade drivers and the advance staff. As we posed, Obama told us all to say: "Tequila!"

McCain did the pictures-on-the-tarmac thing, too! Per the New York Times' Elisabeth Bumiller:

PHOENIX | 10:50 a.m. Mr. McCain has just had his picture taken on the tarmac outside his campaign plane with his staff and before that, somewhat amazingly, with the national campaign reporters he has not been talking to for several months. We do not know whose idea this was, but it does not seem to have been Mr. McCain’s. Still, he and Mrs. McCain gamely pose for a minute or so.

Except instead of "Tequila!" McCain told reporters "somewhat cryptically," per Bumiller, “We knew it would come to this.” Says Bumiller: "No one is quite sure what he means."

Kevin Drum muses on what might have been had the media not "ignored" the candidates' cap-and-trade plans (which reporters ignored, Drum guesses, because the candidates "weren't attacking each other" on this issue). Per Drum:

Which is kinda too bad because it had all the elements of an epic battle. It really is true that Obama's version of cap-and-trade amounts to a tax increase, and that would have been an issue right in McCain's share-the-wealth-tax-raising-socialist wheelhouse. Conversely, McCain's version of cap-and-trade really would have provided enormous windfall profits to coal plants and other carbon emitters (explanation here), and that would been right in Obama's fat-cat-more-of-the-same wheelhouse. It could have been a great fight.

Instead we got Joe the Plumber and Obama the terrorist lover. Oh well. We'll do better next time, right?

Studs And Me

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I only met the master interviewer Studs Terkel once, but that occasion remains a high point of my thirty-five years as a journalist.

And the funny part is, although I was a reporter, I didn’t meet him in that role, but, rather, as interviewee.

It was 1992, and I was in the middle of a two-week author’s tour Bantam Books had set up for my first book, Marketplace Medicine, an investigative book about the for-profit hospital corporations that were buying up community hospitals all over the country and turning them from care-giving institutions into “profit centers.”

Over the course of the prior week, I had been interviewed by hosts of TV programs and radio programs in the New York and Washington media markets. Most of the program hosts had obviously not read more than the liner notes on the dust jacket before having me on. In Chicago, I¹d even gone to one radio station where the host met me outside the studio and said, without a hint of embarrassment, “Can you give me a couple of questions to ask you? I don’t like to read the books of the authors I have on because I like to ask the kinds of questions my listeners would ask.”

Studs was something else entirely. When the car service driver dropped me off at WFMT, the radio station that broadcast the long-running interview program that had made Terkel into a Chicago landmark, I found him waiting for me in the lobby, inside the building’s revolving door. A short, energetic man of eighty, with a shock of white, slightly disheveled hair, Studs stepped forward to greet me, shaking my hand vigorously and steering me towards the elevator. “Dave, great to see you, great to see you!” he growled in his raspy voice. I noticed he was carrying my book in his other hand.

“This is a terrific book!” he said enthusiastically as we walked into the elevator. “A great book!” He began flipping intently through the pages, which I noticed were black with thick markings—circled passages, exclamation marks and asterisks in the margins, and comments scrawled in a big sloppy hand. “There’s just one thing I want to ask you.” He flipped through more pages, all black with his marker handiwork, and came to the page he wanted. I can’t remember the specific question, but I remember he wanted a clarification of a comment I had made about the actions of one of the hospital chains I had been writing about.

I confess, I was just in awe at the prospect of being interviewed by this guy.

He led me into a studio room, offered me something to drink (coffee, I think) and motioned me to a chair at a large table, where he sat down and continued the conversation. I gradually relaxed and was looking forward to the interview, when Studs suddenly said, “Well, that was great. Now all we need is a wrap. Could you just read this paragraph from the book?”

I was dumbstruck. “You mean we already did the interview?” I asked him, incredulous.

“Yeah,” he said, laughing. He pointed up at the microphones hanging from the ceiling, unnoticed by me. “Didn¹’ you see the engineer over there?” he asked, pointing to a glass window, behind which an engineer sat, laughing silently.

No, I hadn’t. I had thought we were just shooting the breeze, waiting for the interview to begin. At most of the studios I had been at, engineers had attached mikes to my shirt and generally fussed around for a while before starting to record or broadcast a live program. How long had we talked, I wondered? It had seemed like only a few minutes to me, but it turns out we’d done the whole program.

I read the passage from the book that Studs had requested, and then he leaned back in his chair and sighed. “Ah, that’s what I call a back porch interview,” he said.

I was still in shock. His interview had been so smooth, so casual, his interest in and knowledge of the material in the book so thorough, and his questions so easy and on target, that I had never realized that it was happening. I had thought we were just chatting.

The amazing thing is that we were just chatting. But when I took the tape of the program home and played it, I was astonished at how incisive and articulate I sounded. The truth is, I had never sounded so good before, and probably ever since!

What was it that Studs had done in that interview? I’ve listened to that tape many times trying to figure it out. He was completely conversational. He never cut me off, allowing me to answer questions fully, and if he wanted more, he knew exactly what he wanted and was able to gently ask a leading question that sent me in the right direction without my ever feeling steered, pressured or manipulated into answering. Most important, he was genuinely interested in what I had to say. It really was like he said: that we were two guys relaxing on the back porch conversing.

And that, I believe, not just his incalculable contribution to the understanding of America, encapsulates Studs Terkel’s greatness as a journalist. He didn’t interviewing his subjects. He conversed with his friends.

Bunch on Bias

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The Philadelphia Daily News's Will Bunch joins the most recent "media bias" discussion:

[T]he polls are pointing strongly toward a victory by Barack Obama tonight, and that can only mean one thing.

The blame game has already begun in Red America.

And the spinning arrow is pointing directly at "the media..."

...There've been more negative articles about McCain -- doesn't that prove that the media is biased?

Not really. My own unscientific perception, from reading a ton of coverage, is that McCain's lead in negative articles is because a) he's run a much more negative campaign, with harsher attacks, especially after Sarah Palin, with her know-nothing rallies, joined the varsity team and b) he's losing, which is the ultimate negative, including the flood of disgruntled GOP aides leaking bad stuff to the media. The result is something that should be obvious yet seems counter-intuitive to a lot of people: Given the state of this race and the way that McCain and Palin conducted their campaign, what really would have been bias for the media to would have been to write the same number of negative and positive stories about both McCain and Obama.

Which reminds me, in part, of what Richard Stevenson, who heads up the New York Times's campaign coverage, recently told the Times' public editor:

There is a great degree of angst now among Republicans about their prospects for president and down the ballot. There is a great degree of optimism among Democrats. That all leads you to a conclusion right now, as a snapshot in time, that Obama is in a better position than McCain is in. That’s the reality, and we’re not going to put our finger on the scale to pretend otherwise.

You Are "Live-Living" Election Day

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And at Politicker, Rob Tornoe is "live-cartooning" Election Day ("covering all of today's events in real-time with my trusted sketchpad and pencil.")

Goldman's Backdoor Bailout

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Last week, I wrote that the lack of disclosure surrounding the American International Group bailout had put The New York Times at odds with Bloomberg over a fundamental question: What was Goldman Sachs’s stake in that bailout?

The Times, recall, reported via anonymous sources on September 29 that Goldman’s risk was up to $20 billion, while a lengthy Bloomberg profile of Goldman and its chief executive, Lloyd Blankfein, three weeks later asserted via its own source that Goldman’s risk had been hedged down to zero, implying Goldman had no stake in the AIG bailout.

In its October 21 story, Bloomberg had put it this way (emphasis is mine):

Goldman wouldn’t have lost money if AIG had gone out of business, the person said, although the collapse would have caused wide-spread economic distress.

It appears that “wouldn’t have lost money” is not the full story, not by a long shot. Goldman in fact reaped what may be a huge taxpayer-financed windfall, authorized by its former chief executive, Hank Paulson, shortly after its current chief executive, Lloyd Blankfein, was meeting Federal Reserve officials in New York on that very topic.

Who says? Bloomberg.

There's No "Thinking" On Cable

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Just now on MSNBC:

MIKA BRZEZINSKI: Dan Rather... What are the things we may learn out of this election?

[Multi-second pause]


BRZEZINSKI: Dan?

DAN RATHER: Well, I'm just trying to think. Which is something we don't get to do very often...

BRZEZINSKI: We don't do that on cable. We just go with it. So thank you for taking a moment to think about it...

And so, after a few seconds of thought, something Rather "thinks we might learn" from this election:

[O]ur bet as a free people under a constitutional democracy, our belief is we can stand united and still have all these differences. Now, when the country started, the rest of the world bet against us. There's no way this is going to work. We're still a young country still trying to make it work. So when we look at these elections and begin to break them down -- on my own election coverage we will do the same thing, this section voted this way, southern Ohio tends to be a little more race conscious than the rest, that kind of thing -- I think it's important to keep in mind that united we stand. And once the decision is in the record... [A]mericans accept the results of the election and then move forward...

An uplifting (if not quite cable-ready) take after so much slicing and dicing of the American electorate.

As a long, intensive, work-filled school year comes to a close--as graduation nears, as vacation approaches--the weather isn't the only thing that tends to warm. Nostalgia takes over. Hatchets are buried. Green Day's "Time of Your Life" takes on special meaning. And you find yourself, not knowing what's possessed you, scrawling "Don't ever change!" in the yearbook of Ricky, that guy from homeroom who sat in the back and kept to himself and who you might have exchanged three words with over the course of your shared educational experience.

Because, when that experience comes to an end, the only thing that really seems to matter is that it was shared.

Well. This morning, Barack Obama pretty much signed the yearbook of his traveling press corps. AFP reports,

Democrat Barack Obama made a rare foray to the press section of his campaign plane early Tuesday -- election day -- to thank reporters for accompanying him on his grueling 21-month ride.

Also thanking the media for expressions of condolence following the death of his grandmother, Obama acknowledged there had been "sometimes friction" between the campaign and the press.

"But you guys have been gracious and understanding," he said, following conservative criticism of the press for its coverage of Obama, as his plane prepared to depart after a huge rally in Virginia for Chicago.

"It's been a good long ride with all of you," the Illinois senator said. "Whatever happens tomorrow (Tuesday) it's going to be extraordinary and you guys have shared this process with us."

Race in the Race

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Eric Deggans is the media critic at the St. Petersburg Times, a position he has held since 2005.

When Obama first declared his presidential candidacy—back in February of 2007, approximately twenty months ago—the announcement provoked a flurry of analysis and debate and anxiety among the media. (Was the country ready for a black president? Was Obama too black? Was he not black enough?) While some questioned whether Obama's mixed-race identity—and, in particular, his blackness—would prove prohibitive for his aspirations to lead a country that is still plainly conflicted when it comes to race, others celebrated the opportunity Obama's candidacy provided—an excuse, really, and perhaps even a catalyst—to conduct a frank, open, and productive conversation about race in America.

And race, to be sure, has been a consistent concern on the campaign trail, in ways massive and minor, in ways both explicit (the speech on race Obama delivered in March) and implicit (Reverend Wright, "Barack Hussein Obama," etc.). But that doesn't mean we've had the conversation we need to have.

As 2008's hard-faught and exceedingly lengthy presidential campaign comes to a close (fingers crossed, knock on wood) this evening, the shadow of race's impact—on the campaign, on us—will linger. With that in mind, CJR's Megan Garber spoke with Eric Deggans, media critic for the St. Petersburg Times, to discuss what we've learned about race, what we've missed, and where we go from here.

Megan Garber: What have we learned about race during the campaign? What's been revealed that we didn't know before?

Eric Deggans: What we learned, I think, historically, is that we still don't know how to talk about race very well; we've been really clumsy in talking about and dealing with race. The campaign has taken all the weirdness we have in this country—about race, about gender, about class—and splashed it all onto the biggest billboard possible. Everybody's tuned into this election, because everyone knows how important it is. And it's just been surprising how much of this weirdness is still hanging around. I've been surprised to see how many journalists don't know how to talk about these issues in a way that's fair to everybody involved in the discussion. Every voter comes to the election with different lenses in place, and we have a hard time taking those lenses off and seeing the situation from another person's point of view, no matter what it is. We still have a lot of work to do in terms of talking to each other about this stuff—understanding the perspective of people who have backgrounds difference from yourself, whoever you are.

I've also been surprised at the extent to which partisans on all sides are willing to indulge awful attitudes to get what they want. I've been surprised at the level of racial code words, and just-short-of-racism statements that very established political figures are willing to either say or condone. I've been surprised to see people like Sarah Palin, who's criticized other people for pointing out sexism in media coverage, and who suddenly realized, "Hey, I'm the object of the same thing." It reminds me very much of what I saw with Clarence Thomas, and Alan Keyes, and other conservative black people who insist that there is no problem with race in America—until they're the subjects of racially coded messages. And all of the sudden, the scales fall from their eyes, and they're upset because they're being singled out because they're black, and people are expecting them to act a certain way because they're black. It was never a "problem" until then.

MG: If we've learned all that, what have we missed in covering race? Or, what haven't we learned that we should have?

ED: I remember writing a blog post months ago—this was before Campbell Brown got her show, and before Rachel Maddow got hers—noting that prime time on cable channels was almost exclusively the province of middle-aged white guys. And I got emails and phone calls from people at some of these establishments dinging me because I didn't say that they had pundits who were diverse, or that they had reporters out in the field who were diverse. And my only point to them was, you can tell what an outlet values by who anchors the broadcast. That's the ultimate expression. And when I look at primary coverage, and I see wide swaths of it anchored and controlled and moderated and attenuated by a bunch of middle-aged white guys, and they're talking about a field of candidates that includes a woman and a black guy...just: What?

And they did seem to get that memo after the primaries were over. That's when we saw Campbell Brown get her show after the primaries were over, and Rachel Maddow—and that helped a little bit. But this is something we haven't seen before, where the media establishment is a step or two behind the political establishment on issues of diversity: When you had Obama and Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin making these historic firsts, they were being covered by a press corps that wasn't nearly as diverse as they were.

MG: Did you have any sense that that press corps went too far in stressing the historical nature of the candidacies?

ED: As a person of color, I felt like I was much more cynical about Obama's chances for success, and about whether America was ready for this. Maybe some of the coverage was a little more glowing, but I think that's very natural and understandable. And what's interesting, as well, to me about this is that a great deal of this outcome is dependent on what white people do, because they still outnumber everyone else. So in a weird way, I found it very odd that white people kept asking me what's going to happen. Because I don't know. My culture does not determine what's going to happen. I mean, ninety-five percent of us are going to vote for Barack Obama—we've known that for two months. What we don't know is what white people are going to do. So why are you asking me?

I noticed, as the primaries progressed, that Obama did well in states where there were overwhelming numbers of black people, and where there were hardly any. But in places where there are still race tension—because there's a sizable number of black people, but not enough to be numerically superior—that's where he's having problems. That's why he had trouble in Pennsylvania, Michigan, etc. That's a dynamic that I find very interesting, and that we will probably be talking about on election night.

MG: Is that valid? Is it fair to make racial issues a key discussion point tonight?

ED: I'd say, be careful about making racial assumptions about these outcomes. If the results come out, and Obama loses Florida, and he loses Michigan, and he loses Pennsylvania, and he loses Virginia, everybody's going to talk about the race dynamic—and maybe that'll be the case, I don't know—but what has bothered me a lot about this election is all the superficial assumptions about race that have been made. I was on a TV show last week, a call-in show, and someone says, "Over ninety percent of black people are voting for Obama—isn't that racist?" And you have to say, well, how much of the black vote did Kerry get? Over ninety percent. How much of the black vote did Clinton get? Over ninety percent. And this was at a time when at some point in the race, Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton were part of it. If black people were just voting for someone because they were black, then Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton would have done much better when they were running for president.

The fact of the matter is that most black folks have a narrow range of issues that they care a lot about and that affect their vote. And it's pretty obvious when you get down to the presidential election which candidate embodies those choices. So Obama has essentially gotten three or four or five percent more voters just because he's black. That doesn't sound like racism to me. So you have people making these really superficial conclusions based on a superficial understanding of the situation. And sometimes a superficial understanding of the culture.

MG: Besides avoiding those superficial assumptions, any other advice for news anchors and other members of the media as they cover election night?

ED: You can't call it too soon. All the stories about the polls are really bugging me, because I hate the idea of the influence it may have—for it to appear for weeks now that Obama's likely going to win. And to have people say, "Well, if he was white, he'd be leading even more." I think white people especially think that racism is just calling someone a nigger, or when you refuse to sit next to somebody because they're black. But racism is also when you remove their individual accomplishments, and you look at everything they do through the prism of race. And what bothers me about Obama is that saying that about him—that the white Democrat would be more ahead in the polls—is robbing him of any individual credit. I mean, I can't remember the last time a Democrat has run a campaign that has been so smart and lucky—I mean, not even Bill Clinton, really. Obama, except for a few glaring exceptions, has made every smart move you can make throughout this whole campaign. And people don't seem to be willing to acknowledge that.

I'd also be careful about who gets to speak for whom. Another thing I'm tired of, frankly, is seeing black Republicans get way more visibility in the media than their numbers are in the community. These people are something like five or eight percent of black voters—and I bet you they're fifty percent of the black people who appear on television to talk about the election. And they're brought on to talk about black issues in a way that most black people don't agree with. And I know there's lots of articulate, intelligent black columnists and journalists and pundits and activists who are not Republicans—and, really, they should be heard.

MG: How do you think we should be talking about race going forward?

ED: I'd just hope that we'd be careful about talking about race—on election day, and as we go forward. Let's take our time and really try to figure out what happened here. Because regardless of what happens, there's going to be a lot of hysterical people in the media attributing a lot of crazy motives to what happened. But it's conventional journalism's job to keep a lid on that, and to provide perspective that makes sense out of it. And we can't do that if we're in the middle of it.

...Are some of the words most frequently found on the front pages of America's newspapers today (thanks, Newseum). There's a sense of...

...history in the works:

"Un Voto Historico" (Los Angeles, CA) La Opinion


"On the Brink of History" New York Post (along with a full-page photo of Obama against an American flag)


"Historic Choice" The Detroit News


"Historic Day" The (Lakeland, Fl) Ledger

...relief:


"Election Day. Finally," Naples (FL) Daily News

"It's your turn--finally," (Newark, NJ) Star-Ledger

"Finally, you decide," Columbus (OH) Dispatch

"FINALLY," The (Youngstown, OH) Vindicator

"Almost over!" (Klamath Falls, Ore) Herald and News

And beyond the U.S., the election makes the front pages of many newspapers today, typically with mention of both candidates. Some exceptions:

"OBAMA-DAY" (Brussels, Belgium) De Standaard

"Yes, He Can!" The (Johannesburg, South Africa) Times

Audit Roundup: Wall Street Baloney

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This is one of the most gullible stories I’ve seen in some time. The FT reports that Wall Street says it won’t use its government bailout to pay out bonuses. It’s going to use its other money to do that, the pink paper faithfully reports without a drop of skepticism.

Hey, this isn’t exactly three-card Monte here, FT. Call Wall Street out on its obvious bait and switch. It doesn’t matter which dollar is handed out once the government money has already been taken in.

Bloomberg says the next president will have the opportunity to do FDR-scale things.

No matter who wins the election tomorrow, the new president is likely to create a vastly larger economic role for the government. He'll also permanently alter the relationship between financial markets and Washington, finish the job of reshaping the U.S. banking system begun under Bush, and — like it or not — will probably go down in history as the biggest deficit spender ever.

But Bloomberg doesn’t justify that last line, which after George W. Bush’s war-and-tax-cut-fueled deficits, needs some justification.

The Undecideds

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Maybe they're "sheepish." Maybe they're "proud." Maybe they're "terminally uninterested in politics." Maybe they're "fed up." Maybe they're "sick of partisan rancor." Maybe they're "deliberative by nature, particularly in decisions of consequence." Maybe they're "attention-seekers." Maybe they're "confused, procrastinating, indifferent or just plain indecisive consumers of democracy." Maybe they're "chronically insecure." Maybe they're "unwilling -- unable? -- to rush it." Maybe they're "mired in an inescapable morass of ambiguity so dense they can't choose whether to brush their teeth horizontally or vertically, much less gather the resolve needed to leave the house and go stand in line to vote." Or maybe they're just "too damned stupid to find their way to a polling place and pull a lever."

Say whatever else you want to about them, they are The Undecideds—the "small cluster of holdouts," per yesterday's New York Times, who "are still wrestling with the 'Who are you voting for?' question." The people who, you know, despite the fact that "Senators Barack Obama and John McCain have stood (or sat) for 36 debates, endured thousands of interviews, and spent hundreds of millions of dollars on advertisements and the better part of two years trying to convince voters that they are worthy of the presidency, or at least a vote," have yet to make up their minds between the two. (The Times, as do other outlets, tends to assume that undecideds are deciding between two candidates, rather than a slate of candidates that includes the Republican, the Democrat, and a bevy of third-party options—a problematic approach, as Nate Silver pointed out.) In all this, as a group, Undecideds have alternately vexed and fascinated political journalists. ("What's up with them?" Who are these mysterious creatures? And why, oh why, can't they just make up their minds already?)

You'd think said political journalists would have a bit of compassion for the people struggling with their decision. You'd think said journalists would also consider that Undecideds simply might not have the time or inclination to engage in the political obsession we in the media have indulged in for the past two years—the fact that, as Time's John Cloud put it, "some people have a real life, one not spent constantly refreshing the polling averages on realclearpolitics.com."

We can (and should) ask what's on these voters' minds—and, for that matter, why those minds have yet to be made up. (Just as we should, by the same token, take care not to focus on Undecideds as vehicles for a dramatic/exciting narrative, as we did in the treatment of Hillary Clinton's PUMAs during the Democratic convention.) But there's a thin line between questioning Undecideds and making light of their indecision. And it's a line the media—recently, in particular, as election day has drawn nearer—have sometimes crossed. Take conservative columnist Kathleen Parker's column from last Thursday:

It is hard to imagine that "undecideds,'' like restless phantoms with unfinished business, still haunt these final hours.

What can they be waiting for? An epiphany? Some final bit of information to tip the scale? A hidden corpse, an illegitimate child, a beloved aunt living in public housing?

And here's David Sedaris, writing about Undecideds earlier this month in The New Yorker:

I look at these people and can’t quite believe that they exist. Are they professional actors? I wonder. Or are they simply laymen who want a lot of attention?

To put them in perspective, I think of being on an airplane. The flight attendant comes down the aisle with her food cart and, eventually, parks it beside my seat. “Can I interest you in the chicken?” she asks. “Or would you prefer the platter of shit with bits of broken glass in it?”

To be undecided in this election is to pause for a moment and then ask how the chicken is cooked.

I mean, really, what’s to be confused about?

Now, granted, Sedaris makes fun of everyone—himself included. (And, hey, at least he didn't, as the Huffington Post's Brad Listi did, begin an interview with "a real-live Undecided American Voter" by asking, "So what the fuck, man? Why are you still undecided?") But it's not just satirists—or even columnists—who are poking fun at the Undecideds. Take the Reuters article from last week that asked, without apparent irony, "What is wrong with these people? After more than a year of nonstop political campaigning by Democratic Illinois Sen. Obama and Republican Arizona Sen. McCain, what more do voters possibly need to know to make up their minds?" Or the AP story from last Friday that referred to Undecideds as "a stubborn wedge of people who, somehow, are still making up their minds about who should be president."

Take also the media's general insinuations that, even if Undecideds aren't necessarily to be mocked for their un-made-up minds, they're still somehow to be faulted for being, you know, that way. (Such insinuations generally come without even the courtesy of a Seinfeldian "not that there's anything wrong with that" or some such to temper the blow.) Time and again, news outlets have presented sources "admitting" to being undecided, rather than simply declaring that fact. "Hetrick put me in touch with Tom Guyer, Jr., a parole officer in Lorain, on Lake Erie," George Packer wrote in his recent (and, as Ryan Chittum noted, generally excellent) New Yorker report about Ohio voters. "A Democrat with 'Republican views' about some issues and a fondness for Bill O’Reilly, Guyer confessed to being undecided."

Confessed to being undecided. As if Guyer has been caught shoplifting from democracy's Wal-Mart by the vigilant security guards in the media. (Busted, red-handed! Or maybe blue-handed!) We get a similar treatment in a CNN iReport—in a video in which, as its headline declares, an "Undecided Voter Confesses." Yes, to being undecided. (Scandalous!)

In an LA Times op-ed earlier this month, The American Prospect writer (and sometime CJR contributor) Ezra Klein argued of Undecideds that, "from a civic standpoint, few creatures are as contemptible."

This election has dominated every form of American news media for the better part of two years. Newspapers, magazines, networks, cable, radio, blogs, people on street corners with signs – it's really been rather hard to miss. Further, it pits two extremely different candidates against each other. Whether your metric is age, ideology, temperament, race, funding sources, healthcare plans or Iraq strategies, it would be hard to imagine two men presenting a starker contrast.

But despite this, the Undecided Voter wakes up each morning and says, in effect, "I dunno."

If votes could be boiled down, as Klein suggests, to single metrics—issues, policies, or biographical/temperamental/physical realities—then, sure, this picture of Undecideds as The Great Failures of Democratic Decision-Making would be valid. But voting is, for most people, about much more than a single factor. It's a jumble of weights and measures, a mix of assessments both rational and non-...ultimately, more of an algorithm than a simple string of algebra. For undecided voters, as for others, a vote is contingent on research. And discussion. And, perhaps, soul-searching. And for completing all of that, the only deadline that matters—indeed, the only deadline to which voters can fairly be held accountable—is tomorrow's.

Talking to Studs

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An interview with Ann Banks about growing up on Army posts is included in Studs Terkel's American Dreams: Lost and Found (1980).

Telling Studs Terkel a story was not a relaxing experience. He listened really hard. And what he heard was what you would have said, had you been a more expressive and insightful version of yourself. Your job was to rise to his estimation of you. If this was an unnerving prospect, Studs was ready to pitch in and help. His magpie imagination was ever on the alert for stray bits of meaning and chance strands of connection.

You might find yourself absently mentioning a random detail that seemed to have no particular point or place in the narrative. Studs would seize on it, hold it up to the light, and marvel at how brilliantly it illuminated the theme you were developing. "There was something you said earlier," he'd say, and rewind the tape and show you what he meant. "Listen to this," he'd say. "You see? You see?"

Studs liked to call himself a guerrilla journalist, but I think that is exactly wrong. Journalism demands a consecutive habit of mind; Studs was much too non-linear for that. He always took the scenic route. And the word “guerrilla” implies the use of stealthy tactics, which was never Studs' way.

It suits most interviewers to distract their subjects from the tape recorder. Just ignore it, they will say, secretly hoping that they can steal off with some juicy morsel the interviewee never meant to reveal. Studs, on the other hand, deliberately drew attention to his mechanical beast, using it to create a sense of theater, the auditory equivalent of a proscenium arch.

The self-consciousness that lesser interviewers try to finesse with their tiny, unobtrusive recording devices, Studs used to raise the bar on his subjects. There was no way, talking into his lapdog-sized reel-to-reel machine,* that you were likely to forget it was there. Instead, he made it feel as though that you and he were going to use the bulky instrument to create something, and that together you would settle on its meaning.

Of course that was only part of the story. The several thousand words of mine that begin on page forty-three of American Dreams: Lost and Found were culled from a fifty-page interview transcript. As Studs described his method, this "rough, unexpurgated material" was panned for gold, molded into a narrative, and given a title. I was "The Wanderin' Kid" in his book, and my interview appeared sandwiched between "The Travelin' Lady" and "The Indian."

To be honest, it's embarrassing to read "The Wanderin' Kid" today. I sound young, which I was, and eager to expound on my every thought. I'm touched that he captured my struggles to reconcile my happy childhood memories of Army base life with the larger meaning of the world in which I grew up. The distant boom of guns and artillery practice sounded like a lullaby to me. But I'm slightly mortified by the undercurrent of resentment Studs detected. My political awakening seems to have been fueled as much by pique that, on Army posts, men got all the attention as by any misgivings about American imperialism. I told Studs: "The feeling I had was that these men who got to lord it over others, just because they jumped out of airplanes, were macho. My only weapon was to make fun of it."

Was this my truth, highlighted, as Studs once called the edited oral histories? I might not be eager to admit it, but I imagine that's what I was thinking in those days. Studs just listened so hard that he got me to say it.

*Later, Studs switched to a smaller (but still dictionary-sized) Sony.

Smart Thoughts

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Whenever I remember to read Good magazine, I'm always happy that I found my way there. Today's foraging found two interesting, intelligent stories on the blogs.

First, a reflection on the role of cities in America's economic landscape:

Most Americans simply don’t understand the role that cities play in their own economic well-being. Citified swells make for satisfying whipping. In fact, Americans often view themselves as small-town creatures even when they’re not. In a survey commissioned by the Brookings Institution, a D.C.-based public policy think-tank, 50% of respondents believed they lived in a metropolitan area; 82% of them, however, actually did since, based on commuting patterns, a metro area encapsulates both a city center and the surrounding counties that depend on it.

Let’s clear the air about what cities do for our economy: Brookings recently found that America’s 100 biggest metro areas hold 65 percent of our population, while accounting for 76 percent of knowledge-economy jobs (positions in anything from architecture to electrical engineering), 78 percent of all patents, 75 percent of graduate degree holders, 81 percent of R&D employment, and 94 percent all venture funding. In short, cities churn out the innovations that produce growth.

Also found, thoughts about the press treats moral issues:

In looking at over 500 editorials and opinion articles written from August to October of 2002—a time bookended by Bush’s first gee-I’m-feeling-invade-y announcement and Congress’ sure-do-whatever-you-want vote—Porpora and Nikolaev found that journalists appeared to consistently diminish legal and moral concerns, while focusing on the so-called “prudential” (or practical) aspects of the proposed war. So mentions of weapons of mass destruction, potential terrorist threats, and Saddam Hussein’s human rights record far outnumbered questions regarding whether or not we had the actual moral right to enter Iraq.

Prudential discourse, by its nature, is self-centered. Prudentially, your humble columnist may have sound reasons for locking up a naughty mailman in the basement for one of grandma’s homemade exorcisms. Legally and morally, justifications for going postal in this particular fashion are harder to make. But the prudential viewpoint is only focused on means and ends, and it’s very utilitarian—i.e., what’s in it for me (or, in this case, America).

Good stuff, indeed.

Phantom Militias

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Verifiable stories out of northwestern Pakistan are difficult to come by: the entire region exists in what Rosanne Klass once called "a smattering of romantic fact so closely mixed with romantic fiction that it would be difficult to disentangle the two.” The few western reporters to return from the area speak of its danger, its excitement, and the battles between Pakistan’s army and the tribal insurgents who are stoking violence both there and in Afghanistan.

But is that really happening? Dexter Filkins wrote in The New York Times Magazine several weeks ago that, in fact, the much-touted Pakistani offensive against the tribal areas was a crock, a show put on for Pakistan’s American overlords.

There is reason to be skeptical. The much-touted Waziristan War in 2007, which was supposedly between some Uzbek militants and competing factions of Pakistani Taliban and al-Qaeda, with a complex interweaving of alliances that no press account really explained well, probably didn’t happen. David Hoffman, the President of Internews, an expert on Central and South Asia with decades of experience in both Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, wrote convincingly of why the stories of fighting should not be believed, noting, among many other reasons, that despite reports of dozens of dead Uzbeks, no one ever saw any bodies or casualties in the hospitals.

This past August, during one of the many rounds of fighting in the Swat Valley area of northwest Pakistan, the press was reporting contradictory accounts of what was going on—so much so that it’s doubtful any fighting there was really as severe as the Pakistani government was selling it. The coverage was so vague, and cited only official sources, that readers wouldn’t know what the fighting was about, how it played out, who was involved, and who got hurt.

It started with the Associated Press reporting on Wednesday, July 30, that militants had attacked a police outpost just outside Mingora, the primary town in the region, and the government claiming it had killed twenty-five militants. Riaz Khan, the AP correspondent, noted that journalists were unable to independently confirm casualties because the military would not allow reporters into the area. So by Thursday the 31st, when Essa Khankhel reported in the Pakistani newspaper The Nation that the military had begun allowing journalists into Mingora, it seemed like an important breakthrough. Khankhel reported an alarming number of civilian casualties in the raid’s aftermath: twenty-six people overall, but only ten of whom were alleged militants.

The Daily Times, another Pakistani paper, reported that by Friday August 1st a total of sixty-three militants had died in the fighting. By Sunday, nine “security personnel” (whatever that means) had died, but so had another fifteen militants—leading Reuters by Monday, August 4th to claim that the Pakistani government had killed ninety-four militants. This was the official number insisted upon by government officials; body counts based on daily reporting (most of which was itself based on official Pakistani government sources) only accounted for some eighty-five dead militants, and upwards of twenty-five dead civilians (no one really keeps official count of civilians).

So we are flooded with news but get no information. When all that’s on hand are official sources, and when those sources are notoriously unreliable, it’s hard to know what to believe. It doesn’t mean these things didn’t happen, just that we can’t be sure they happened the way the government describes it.

So when a “senior government official” proclaims twenty dead after a U.S. missile strike in the Federal Areas, it’s best to adopt a certain measure of skepticism. When reporters can actually get at the locals, a different picture often emerges. For instance, while the Pakistani government likes to flaunt its new use of Lashkars, or tribal militias, in combating the Taliban, actual Lashkar commanders complain about how counterproductive the government really is.

Which is really just a complicated way of saying you shouldn’t believe everything you read.

Damning With Excessive Praise

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Language is communication, but it works only if the communicators understand one other. If you think a word means one thing, and the person you’re talking to thinks it means something else, what we have here is failure to communicate.

Take “fulsome.” Please.

One news report recently noted that Karl Rove, the former Bush strategist, had been at odds with John McCain during the 2000 campaign, when McCain and Bush were both competing for the Republican nomination. But now, the report continued, Rove had changed his tune, and said: “Indeed, as they gathered Saturday over sausages and scrambled eggs at the breakfast sponsored by the South Carolina delegation, Republicans applauded Mr. Rove’s fulsome praise of Mr. McCain.”

Some of you will be thinking, “It’s so nice that Rove is now saying so many nice things about McCain.” But others will be thinking, “So, Rove is up to his old tricks again, heaping insincere compliments on McCain.”

Another publication said that Barack Obama’s introduction of Joe Biden at a rally was “naturally quite fulsome,” implying the introduction was heartfelt and enthusiastic.

That usage of “fulsome,” to mean “ample” or “abundant,” actually fell out of favor in the sixteenth century, though obviously not everyone got the message. The definition of “fulsome” accepted by most language authorities is “disgusting or offensive, esp. because excessive or insincere.”

But what goes around comes around, and as often as not, “fulsome” is being used again to mean “ample,” usually paired with “praise.” While most major dictionaries prefer the “offensive” definition, they all note the common usage of “fulsome” to mean merely “a lot.” Bryan Garner’s Modern American Usage calls “fulsome” a “skunked term,” and the Associated Press stylebook warns against using it in a positive way. (The Oxford English Dictionary, written for British audiences, starts with the “characterized by abundance” definition and goes downhill, through “gross” and “disgusting,” ending with “offensive to good taste.”)

Nonstandard usage is OK—if the context is clear. The problem comes when you’re trying to flatter, and your audience thinks you’re being insincere. So as long as you know that there could be ambiguity with “fulsome,” your best bet is to find another word.

Election Night On Ice

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Where to tune in election night? So many choices...

And so, MSNBC (the channel that back in February gave us "Monster Super Tuesday" complete with exploding logos and "Vote-zilla") presents: Election Returns On Ice! Which involves a map of the U.S.A. carved into the ice at Rockefeller Center's skating rink, the states of which will turn red or blue as returns come in, and which MSNBC's Contessa Brewer and Chuck Todd promoted earlier as follows:

TODD: This week we turned the world famous Rockefeller Plaza into Election Plaza. I have a map behind me and everything. It's, you know, right there on the ice. I'd even skate on it although I grew up in Miami, so I don't do ice skating. But you don't want to miss this tomorrow night. My colleague, Contessa Brewer joins me out on Election Plaza this morning...

BREWER: ....We are on the edge of Rockefeller Plaza. The ice rink down below us. As can you see, there are a lot of people getting the chance to skate over MSNBC's election map. You just referenced that. This is going to be exciting on election night to watch the returns coming in...


TODD: ...You will get to watch [Brewer]. They will bring over reds and blues when the states get called, and my favorite story is, apparently, there are people that will watch the election and when their state is called, go on to the state and have a marriage proposal. So its gonna be wild out here. If you are in the New York area, you probably want to come down and watch this. It's a lot of fun.

So tomorrow night, as MSNBC calls a state for one candidate or the other, Todd is telling us that someone might rush onto the ice and propose to their loved one while standing on their home state on MSNBC's ice map in Rockefeller Plaza?

What've you got, Fox News and CNN?

Well, Fox will have "The Launch Pad" ("where [Fox News anchor] Megyn Kelly will be stationed," and "be able to access exit polls, video and state results and provide them on a 10-foot or so high screen") and "The Cube" (a "huge digital box of screens that will show video and data") and, per Hollywood Reporter, "five separate live feeds, quite possibly the most for any conglomerate."

And, CNN will have its "Magic Wall" and is promising interviews with the holographic surrogates of campaign surrogates (campaign advisers will be "projected as a three-dimensional hologram, making it appear as if [they are] in the Manhattan studio with [Wolf] Blitzer" because, says CNN Senior Vice President David Bohrman, ''virtual elements in a real set look so much better than a real person in a virtual set.")

So bells and whistles, yes, but no engagement rings (on ice).

Which still leaves, should any one wish to try to claim it, providing-well-reported-and-timely-information-as-gimmick....

"A Night Out With Chris Matthews..."

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...is as "zesty(?!)" as you'd always imagined.

Blogged Down in the Past

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An ongoing examination of blogs devoted to the 2008 presidential campaign, and interviews with bloggers and blogger outreach coordinators from the contending presidential campaigns, reveals a fundamental difference in the candidates’ approach to the blogosphere.

Barack Obama’s campaign reaches out to activist bloggers in order to communicate with and mobilize campaign volunteers and feed them into its online social networking site, MyBarackObama.com. In contrast, John McCain’s campaign takes a top-down approach, using blogs—many of which it helped incubate—as an echo chamber for channeling mostly anti-Obama attacks into the mainstream media, in order to create an impression of grassroots online support.

The use of the incubation technique is evident in a map of 8,000 blogs produced by Morningside Analytics for a joint investigation by Columbia University’s Toni Stabile Center for Investigative Reporting and Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society. In addition to two large clusters of mostly longtime conservative and liberal bloggers, the map shows a 'halo' of about 500 relatively new blogs in two isolated clusters. One cluster includes several hundred anti-Obama blogs (orange) and the other contains several hundred pro-McCain and pro-Palin blogs (green). Most of them were created in mid-July 2007 or afterwards, and are listed listed on “blogrolls” such as McCain Victory 2008 and the NoBama network.







“There are some groups of pro-McCain and anti-Obama blogs that are well connected to each other but not densely linked with bloggers in the longstanding political blogosphere, even those on the conservative side,” said John Kelly, Morningside’s chief scientist and an affiliate of the Berkman Center. “If these were typical political bloggers, we would expect to see them better woven into the fabric of the network.”

Out of the nearly 500 blogs in these isolated clusters, at least 125 were seeded by a group of volunteers led by long time Republican Brad Marston—a McCain supporter since 2000 and co-founder of the McCain Victory 2008 blogroll. Although the group claims to receive no financial support or direction from the McCain campaign, Marston acknowledges he works so closely with the campaign that Meghan McCain misidentified him as the “McCain e-campaign coordinator” on her blog.

"Until recently, there was no way for any lateral communication on My McCain Space," said Marston, referring to the social networking Web site set up by the senator's e-campaign staff. "It was all about getting information down from the top of the campaign to individuals. That's why we started the McCainNow.com and LetsGetThisRight.com and… social networking sites so that supporters could build a network."

Many of the bloggers cross-post content on several Web sites and, in this way, raise the profile of key stories and videos on Google and YouTube. But they mostly link to each other, and while this can be a useful way for like-minded activists to network, this disconnectedness from the rest of the blogosphere “indicates it is not a particularly effective communication strategy, because these sites don’t draw much attention from established bloggers on the left or the right,” argues Kelly.

Despite their isolation from the rest of the blogosphere, these clusters of anti-Obama/pro-McCain blogs are useful in helping to generate a buzz for McCain’s attacks on Obama, notes Kelly. Many of these blogs in the pro-McCain cluster repeatedly focus on the extent of Obama’s association with Bill Ayers and the community group ACORN. These posts surface in Google searches about Obama, and give the impression of widespread outrage, which can frame news coverage.

A variant of this approach to using the blogosphere to relay messages was seen in the days after the Republican Convention, when the LM&O advertising agency registered a Web site and blog for the group Hockey Moms for McCain-Palin. Within a week, ABC News had profiled the group, and its co-founder appeared on Larry King Live. "I am a hockey mom trying to help women become involved in the campaign," Kellie Boyle told King.

Boyle—a media strategist, longtime Republican campaign volunteer, and consultant for LM&O, where her husband also works—is not your average hockey mom. When CJR asked about the firm's connection to the group and the McCain campaign, Boyle said, "I don't know why it was registered to LM&O. I just put my work address."

Shortly after Governor Sarah Palin joined the Republican ticket, a pink-themed social networking Web site called “Team Sarah” appeared, proclaiming itself a “diverse coalition of women dedicated to advancing Sarah Palin’s vice presidential candidacy. Men welcome too!” A disclaimer at the bottom of the page alerts readers that it is paid for by the Susan B. Anthony List Candidate Fund Project. This pro-life political action committee has reported spending $193,000 to support McCain. The group’s support was never mentioned when New Hampshire newspapers and television stations reported on a Team Sarah press conference, and Fox & Friends interviewed the group’s spokesperson, Jeri Thompson, wife of Senator Fred Thompson.

To be sure, some pro-Obama bloggers see themselves as willing conveyor belts for their candidate’s message. But these blogs tend to be focused on activism instead of punditry. Meanwhile, many high profile pro-Obama bloggers, such as Adam Bonin, a former law student of Obama’s who posts at DailyKos, told CJR that, for a long time, “the Obama campaign wasn’t doing any outreach to bloggers who wanted to get information out to the public. Their focus seemed to be on developing their own My Barack Obama platform and ensuring access through that community.”

Unlike McCain, who had to rally his base, Bonin claimed that the Obama campaign was not interested in reaching out to bloggers like himself because he didn’t want to be the "liberal" candidate. “It wasn’t a courtship that seemed to be a priority for the campaign,” said Bonin. “They just kind of said this is who we are, this is what the campaign believes, and if you like that, join us.”

Divining Medicare’s Future

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CBS has spent a good bit of air time telling viewers where the candidates stand on the issues. And, to its credit, it devoted one segment to explaining Medicare, a complicated enough program that has been ignored by the media and the candidates. Both John McCain and Barack Obama have avoided the subject for fear of telling voters what really needs to be done to fix it—raise taxes to sustain the program, cut benefits, or make seniors pay more of their medical care themselves. In other words, further privatize the program. CBS showed how Medicare might affect three generations of the Schindle family: its eighty-eight-year-old mother, her two daughters, ages sixty-five and fifty-six, and a granddaughter, age thirty-eight.

But the segment, billed as an “in-depth look,” came across as shallow and revealed how little people really know about one of the government’s most popular programs. CBS missed a chance to educate the public about Medicare, instead choosing to pass along myths that the media should dispel. The segment made the point that, if it weren’t for Medicare, the family’s matriarch would not have health care; millions of others wouldn’t, either. It then reported that Medicare will be a “mixed bag” for her daughters. The sixty-five-year-old who just signed up was “stunned by the 20 percent co-pays.” “I thought Medicare was just gonna take care of everything,” she said. Really? Where has she been and where has CBS been?

Medicare has called for 20 percent coinsurance since its beginning in 1965. That’s coinsurance, a percentage of a medical bill, not copayments, a specific dollar amount paid for a service—a big difference, and one that CBS inexplicably did not clarify. Instead it followed up with a nonsensical quote from the daughter: “Everybody that has worked, has paid into the system and the fat cats get fatter—where’s all this money going to?” Well, yes, everyone who has worked pays into Medicare, but what does that have to do with the fat cats—and which ones? CBS used the quote to get to a major point it wanted to make: that the part of Medicare that pays for hospital care “is set to go broke by 2019,” because of the rising costs of health care.

That’s the doomsday scenario John McCain advanced the few times he did talk about Medicare during the campaign. CBS reported that both Obama and McCain concede Medicare is in trouble, but then quoted McCain, making the same point the network made earlier: “By 2019, there will be no money left.” McCain, CBS said, “blames bloated bureaucracy. Arguing doctors and clinics should get lump-sum payments for quality care instead of being paid for individual tests and treatments.”

Okay, another non-sequitur. How docs get paid has nothing to do with the administration of the program. For the record, Medicare has low administrative costs compared to commercial insurance companies. Marilyn Moon, a former Medicare trustee and now vice president at the American Institutes for Research, says the administrative costs of Medicare run between two and four percent of the more than $425 billion it spends on care each year, compared to nine to 25 percent for commercial insurers.

As for the hospital trust fund going broke, Moon says the situation isn’t as bleak as some people— generally conservatives who favor more privatization—say. We’ve heard doomsday talk before, but Congress always fixed the program. In the 1990s, politicians claimed that Medicare was supposed to run out of money by 2001. That didn’t happen then, and it won’t happen now, Moon predicted. “Talking about it going broke makes it sound more dire than it is and makes it sound like we need to do much more drastic things than we will need to put the program in good shape,” she says.

CBS did touch on one fix Congress could make—cutting the overpayments to Medicare Advantage plans, which Campaign Desk discussed a couple of weeks ago. We noted that a study by The Commonwealth Fund, a New York philanthropic and research organization, found that Medicare has been paying these plans, which allow seniors to get their hospital, doctor, and drug benefits all in one package, 12 percent more on average than it costs to provide the same benefits directly by Medicare. The day after our post, the Fund released another study showing that the government is paying a special kind of Medicare Advantage option, called the private-fee-for-service plan, on average nearly 17 percent more than it cost to provide the same benefits under the traditional program. Congress authorized Medicare Advantage plans ostensibly to save money for the program, but instead those plans have cost the government some $8.5 billion this year.

Obama mentioned this windfall to insurers in his third debate, and CBS repeated his comments during its segment. Where does McCain stand on the overpayments? CBS didn’t tell us. Last summer, Congress took a whack at the fat, reducing the overpayments by some 15 percent from what they would be at the beginning of 2010. Further cuts will be contentious when the new Congress convenes in January, an issue the media need to explore.

It would be great if, after the election, we could have some intelligent and thoughtful stories grounded in real reporting, instead of comments from people with hidden agendas for Medicare who see the press as a megaphone. We could also do without those silly quotes from the family or person chosen to “personalize” the story—comments like the one from fifty-six-year-old Donna Schindle, who said she would “do a lot of praying” if she didn’t have Medicare. Or the words of wisdom from Mama Schindle, who said “it stinks” that Medicare can’t negotiate cheaper prices with drug companies. Or from granddaughter Debbie, who says “Medicare is obviously going to have a new face when I get there.”

Maybe that’s good television, but it’s bad information.

"One Day To Go" Stories

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The candidates are "Battling On All Fronts With One Day To Go," the New York Times reports today....from a distance.

"It has been months since Mr. Obama has ventured with any regularity to the back of his plane where the journalists sit," writes Jeff Zeleny in the Times's A-1 "One Day To Go" Obama piece. And, from Elisabeth Bumiller's front-page McCain piece: "The national reporters he once called his 'base' remain banished in the back; aides say he is convinced they are all rooting for Mr. Obama."

So banished, Bumiller and Zeleny report what the candidates' aides and advisers say... about what the candidate is doing in these final hours, about their states of mind, and about their bedtime routines.

Zeleny:

And before bedtime on most nights, Mr. Obama needs to “circle and land,” as one of his advisers put it, by finishing a round of e-mail and calls before turning out the lights.

Bumiller:

Mr. McCain turns on ESPN and relaxes after rallies that blast out “Life Is a Highway” and other campaign anthems.

“It’s like being in a rock band,” Mr. [Lindsey] Graham said. “You do your gig, and you’ve got to wind down a little bit.”

Mr. McCain takes an Ambien if he needs one...

(Relatedly, Sen. Lindsey Graham is "like campaign Prozac" is how McCain adviser Nicolle Wallace chose to describe the effect Graham's friendship and presence has on McCain et al).

Political Pundits Have "Missed It"

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At this late hour, cable's political pundits are feeling reflective. To wit, MSNBC's Mike Barnicle on Morning Joe earlier:

At some point we'll look at the coverage of this campaign, what we all do for a living and we're gonna realize because of our tendency to blog every fifteen minutes and to talk every other second about it, we have missed the extraordinary nature of this Obama story, the vindication of this country. Yesterday, I'm in a cab on the east side of Manhattan. The cab is driven by a Haitian guy, 43 been here 23 years, lives in Reading, Pennsylvania, comes to New York four days a week to drive 15 hours a day a cab, ok? And he is listening to a tape recording of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s We Shall Overcome speech. And I said, "Are you going to vote for McCain?" He starts laughing. Haitian guy. Starts laughing, lyrically, like music. We have missed the story of the meaning of this campaign, this one man all beneath the surface of what we do. We've missed it. We've touched upon it but we've missed it.

My Foreclosure: Judgment and Empathy

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When Audit honcho Dean Starkman asked me if I would write a story about losing my family’s home when I was fifteen, I readily agreed, not realizing at the time how difficult it would be. Sorry, dear reader, I was stuffed with barbecue and beer, on a train heading downtown from Harlem when I said “Sure, why not?”

But trying to write it was a lesson in and of itself. I was surprised how painful it was to dig back into that stuff, which began nearly two decades ago and ended when we moved out in 1993. I told my wife after I’d turned it in that writing it was worth $10,000 of therapy.

Writing is always a somewhat painful experience, but throw in the remembering and reassembling of personal history I’d done my best to cover up at the time (I was already uncool enough in high school without being the poor kid, too!), not to mention having my mom relive the ordeal so I could get my facts straight, and the process felt a bit like performing dental surgery on myself with a pair of pliers.

Okay, so that’s hyperbole, but the difficulty I had writing the story was a reminder of why we thought it was one worth sharing. The reaction to it—both positive and negative—has proved conclusively in my mind it was.

Election Day hours away. Deadline looming. Must. Find. Angle...Got it:

Yet there is, in the national conversation, surprisingly little talk about not accepting the winner if things don't go your way. Sure, some Democrats joke about moving to Canada, but gauging the severity of responses on the day after is a gauzy exercise in tarot-card reading that even television's loudest mouths rarely discuss.

Allow the AP to fill that perceived void.

While the spectrum of possible morning-after reactions runs from water-cooler grousing to partisan lawyering to violence, the depth of sentiment this year - more impassioned, many say, than even the last two elections - could make for a bumpy ride, particularly if the results are close.

How so?

Will blacks, craving a victory that could offset the albatross of American racism, accept a negative outcome? Will Christian conservatives who got so energized about Sarah Palin reject the system and grow isolated if she's sent back northward? Will "real America" accept a victory by "Eastern elites," or vice versa? How will Hillary Rodham Clinton's supporters - and the Clintons themselves - emerge from it all?

And the question no one wants to articulate: Will anyone unhappy with the outcome resort to uglier methods of registering disapproval?

"Will anyone?" Anyone?

Audit Roundup: WaMu's Boiler Room

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The NYT’s Gretchen Morgenson talks to a former WaMu mortgage underwriter, who dishes on what sure seems to us like outright fraud at the bank, which because of all that dirty business became the biggest bank failure in American history.

But the headline, “Was There a Loan It Didn’t Like?” is wishy-washy and dilutes the impact of the column, which has plenty of interesting details about the boiler-room-like mortgage operation at the bank.

One loan file was filled with so many discrepancies that she felt certain it involved mortgage fraud. She turned the loan down, she says, only to be scolded by her supervisor.

"She told me, 'This broker has closed over $1 million with us and there is no reason you cannot make this loan work,' " Ms. Cooper says. "I explained to her the loan was not good at all, but she said I had to sign it."

The argument did not end there, however. Ms. Cooper says her immediate boss complained to the team manager about the loan rejection and asked that Ms. Cooper be "written up," with a formal letter of complaint placed in her personnel file.

Ms. Cooper said the team manager told her to "restructure" the loan to make it work. "I said, how can you restructure fraud? This is a fraudulent loan," she recalls.

Ms. Cooper says that her bosses placed her on probation for 30 days for refusing to approve the loan and that her team manager signed off on the loan.

Good job by Morgenson, who deserved a better assist from her headline writers.

The Journal is good in its long piece this morning on AIG, and how it relied on a professor, Gary Gorton, whose risk models on credit-default swaps turned out to be woefully inadequate.

AIG began selling credit-default swaps around 1998. Mr. Gorton's work "helped convince Cassano that these things were only gold, that if anybody paid you to take on these risks, it was free money" because AIG would never have to make payments to cover actual defaults, according to the former senior executive at the unit. However, Mr. Gorton's work didn't address the potential write-downs or collateral payments to trading partners.

Whoops.

And the apple never falls far from the tree:

In 1987, AIG launched its financial-products unit with Howard Sosin, a math expert and former Drexel Burnham Lambert executive. Among his hires were Joseph Cassano, a former Drexel colleague. After Mr. Sosin left, Mr. Gorton joined as a consultant in the late 1990s. Mr. Cassano later took over the unit.

Drexel, of course, was the scandal-plagued home of Michael Milken that went bust in 1990.

The WaPo also has a nice story on AIG, reporting that some are questioning how the government structured its rescue of the insurance giant, which so far has resulted in $143 billion in taxpayer loans. Some even question whether the Feds should have let it go under. But that seems to me like it would have resulted in a disaster, a real head-for-the-hills time.

The Times reports that the bill for all those private-equity deals in the bubble is about to come due:

When the economy was booming, the firms made huge profits by cutting costs at their new acquisitions, improving operations and then turning around and selling them. In 2007, at the height of the bubble, such deals totaled $796 billion, or more than 16 percent of the $4.83 trillion in all the deals made globally that year, according to data from Dealogic.

Firms like the Blackstone Group and Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company, faced an image problem at the height of the bubble for excessive compensation and beneficial tax treatment, but their returns were so high that even investors like pension funds were drawn in. Now these firms, built on enormous amounts of debt, are being forced to go back to the financial markets just as those markets have nearly frozen up.

If history is any guide, the worst may be yet to come. Steven N. Kaplan, a professor at University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, found that nearly 30 percent of all big public-to-private deals made from 1986 to 1989 defaulted. Afterward, private equity players were called to testify before Congress, and movies like “Wall Street” and “Other People’s Money” depicted financiers as greedy criminals.

The Times scoops that the government is turning down GM’s request to finance a merger with Chrysler.

Breakingviews posts an insightful column and applauds the definancialization of the economy:

But finance helps the economy in much the same way the way a police force or an army helps keep the peace. Countries would be delighted to get the same order with fewer forces. They should be equally happy to get the same production and trade with less finance. Finance is a cost — not a benefit — of maintaining a complicated economy.

The Journal is good on the Chinese dairy scandal, getting on the ground to talk to farmers.

About two years ago, farmers and Chinese authorities say, some manufacturers offered a new version of protein powder that they said could still fool dairies that had caught on to other protein additives. It contained melamine, but wasn't labeled as such. "Everyone just called it protein powder," says the second farmer. "Nowhere did it say it was melamine, " he says. "People never thought about it and never thought they needed to know more details."

Liu Wuqiang, another dairy farmer in Hebei, says, "farmers had no idea it was poisonous." He says, "We were just afraid that our milk would be returned and wasted." He says he never added anything to his milk.

Speaking of China, the LA Times has a good look at the country’s “worst manufacturing decline in at least a decade,” which it says is shuttering plants all over the country

Even before the global financial crisis, factory owners in China were straining under soaring labor and raw-material costs, an appreciating Chinese currency and tougher legal, tax and environmental requirements. When the credit crunch took hold — prompting Western businesses to slash orders for Chinese goods and bankers to curtail loans to factories — many operations were pushed over the edge.

Sunday Watch 11-02-08

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Halloween was over but revelers were still in costume Sunday morning. Pundits-in-chief appeared confident that they had served the American people well during their extended, peculiar process of choosing a global leader. Cheerleaders were wearing their game faces.

But strikingly, the professionals were confident in inverse proportion to their odds of success. On This Week with George Stephanopoulos, while McCain campaign manager Rick Davis affected not the slightest care in the world, Obama chief strategist David Axelrod refused to play the prophecy game. On Fox News Sunday, Obama campaign manager David Plouffe walked on stage for the first time during this campaign. The soft-spoken Plouffe has not mastered the art of braying, which probably means he cannot look forward to a long career on TV.

By contrast, William Kristol, who a few months ago called Sarah Palin “fantastic” and his “heartthrob,” contrived a Rube Goldberg scenario that would give McCain a margin of 272 electoral votes to 268. “I’ve got it worked out,” he said without shaking his grin. “I’m not sure the voters agree but it’s not implausible.” He skipped a beat. “It’s not very likely.”

Kristol, a strenuous moralist, missed a grand opportunity to cement his reputation on the most recent eruption of what might be called the morality issue. Fox News viewers were treated to a clip of Obama saying that Republicans who call a tax boost for the wealthy “socialistic” actually “want to make a virtue out of selfishness.” There followed a clip of McCain chiding Obama for “view[ing] higher taxes not in economic terms but in moral terms.” Imagine the audacity required to apply moral language to the question of taxes! But none of Fox’s round tablers, normally quick to rise to moralistic heights, took the bait, or even seemed to notice. It’s too bad George Will was busy at a different round table, for a month ago he wrote in his Washington Post column that McCain displays a “Rooseveltian interest in our moral reclamation.” It would have been interesting to see him comment on McCain’s remark.

Of round tablers, ABC contributor and sometime Republican Matthew Dowd contributed the best gaffe (“John Cain,” he called the candidate from Arizona) and the most apt characterization of a failed campaign (“if you’re in the position of one, attacking the polls, and two, attacking the media, you know it’s a sure signal that the campaign isn’t going well”).

Tom Brokaw did have a good, alert gotcha moment when Meet the Press showed former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger saying of Sarah Palin:

I don't think at the moment she is prepared to take over the brains of the presidency….Give her some time in the office, and I think the answer would be, she will be adequate. I can't say that she would be a genius in the job, but I think she would be enough to get us through a four-year—well, I hope not.

(A side note on Eagleburger’s off-message mouthiness, from which he is always forced to retreat: At a conference in November 2002, when the subject of the war build-up came up, I heard Eagleburger say that the Bush crowd were “out of their minds.” I asked him later what he meant. He insisted that he didn’t mean the headlong rush to war in Iraq, but, rather, their approach to selling the war. Maybe so.)

Brokaw then put it to Fred Thompson, McCain’s surrogate:

MR. BROKAW: You have, among others, have said that she's a victim of the liberal media, that they've been unfair to her in some fashion.

SEN. THOMPSON: Yeah.

MR. BROKAW: What question was she asked by Charles Gibson or Katie Couric or Brian Williams, for that matter, that you thought was unfair?

SEN. THOMPSON: I don't know, I didn't see any of the interviews. I, I saw excerpts...

But Brokaw also had the silliest moderator moment:

I've been talking to a lot of voters coast to coast and in the heartland and in large cities—there's a lot of concern about one party rule.

Presumably out there in the land there’s also “a lot of concern” about economic collapse and the fallout from eight years of divided rule when the party in charge of the presidency is Republican. It would be interesting to know whether Brokaw was equally concerned about “one party rule” when the one party was Republican, during the months in 2001 before Senator Jim Jeffords decided he wasn’t a Republican after all.

Brokaw also displayed the most fatuous relay of pundit evasion, when he quoted David Broder, without demur, as follows, emphasis mine:

In what history may record as [Obama's] singular achievement—dealing with the classic American dilemma of race—he had the largely unappreciated help of his opponent, John McCain, who simply ruled out covert racial appeals used by politicians of both parties in the past.

"Sen. Obama claims that he want to give a tax break to the middle class, but not only did he vote for higher taxes for the middle class in the Senate, his plan gives away your tax dollars to those who don't pay taxes. That's not a tax cut; that's welfare," McCain said a couple of weeks ago.

Welfare. Uh-huh. If that’s not a dog-whistle, I’m the welfare queen of… Never mind.

And with that, farewell to Sunday Watch. This commentator will be thrilled to have his Sundays back. Thanks to all the Washington insiders, insighters, blowhards and myopics—including the underachievers who in some corner of their minds know better than their performances—for making this column possible as well as necessary. Thanks to indulgent editors Mike Hoyt and Justin Peters. And now, back to America.

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